Towards Independence

1. Transcaucasian Federation. National Council of Georgia
2. Declaration of Independence of Georgia. First Obstacles and Success towards Building New Nation.
3. Constituent Assembly of Georgia
4. Education, Science and Culture in the Democratic Republic of Georgia
5. Foreign Relations of Georgia and its Annexation by the Soviet Russia
6. Restoration and Reinforcement of Independence of Georgian Church
7. Forced Conversion of Georgia into a Soviet State
8. Georgia during World War II
9. Disintegration of the Soviet Union and Restoration of Independence of Georgia (1991)
10. Georgia in the Transition Period (1992-2003)
11. The Choice Made on November 23 – Rose Revolution

1. Transcaucasian Federation. National Council of Georgia

In October 1917, the Bolshevik party carried out propaganda to summon the second Congress of the Soviets, which would legalize the overthrow of the interim government and hand over power to the Soviets. At the end of October, the unrest turned into a civil war. The proletariat of Petrograd and other cities of the Empire, as well as a large portion of the army, took the demagogy on trust. In the end, On October 5 917 (new calendar November 7), the Bolsheviks, under Lenin, overthrew the Russian Interim Government. On October 26, 1917, the all-Russian Congress of Soviets met and handed over power to the Soviet Council of People’s Commissars. Vladimir Lenin was elected chair.

This news of the successful Bolshevik revolt reached Tbilisi on the next day; the Georgian Bolsheviks acclaimed the revolution. However, the local sentiments were very different. Local political parties, the working class, and the majority of the peasants were adherents to the Revolution. The leading force, at that time, was the Social-Democrats (the Mensheviks). At the end of October, the Council of Workers held in Tbilisi roundly denounced the Bolsheviks’ adventure.

At that juncture, an issue of vital importance was assets (real estate and movables) of the Georgian nobility, evaluated at 5 million rubles. As early as October 4, 917, the issue was put forward at the Conference of the Leaders of Kartl-Kakhian nobility. Three different options were presented. The assets were to be given to ) the newly revived Council of Catholicos, ) to the union of Georgian cultural societies, 3) to the future autonomous government of Georgia. None was accepted.

The October Revolution precipitated the consideration of the issue one more time. On October 9, the Conference of Georgian Nobility was held, which resolved that “the Nobility acknowledges all the assets (real estate and movables) belonging to the nobles of Tbilisi province, property of the Georgian nation and gives the right of its ownership to the public self-governing body upon its creation.” This decision of the nobility won them the trust of the Georgian people and support of all the political parties.

On November 11, 1917, a conference of the Regional Center of the Soviets, the Regional Soviet of the Caucasian Army, the trades union, the Tbilisi City Council, and other representative bodies met in Tbilisi and decided that since Transcaucasia could not recognize the Russian Soviet Council of People a local regime would have to be organized.

On November 15, 917, the Transcaucasian Soviet and party organizations set up a provisional government, called the Transcaucasian Commissariat. Georgian Menshevik, Eugeni Gegechkori, was elected the chair; it also included Ak. Chkhenkeli, Sh. Aleksi-Meskhishvili, M. Japarov, Khan-Khoiski, Ter-Gazarian, D. Donskoy, and others. On November 8, the Commissariat promulgated its address with the following basic theses: ) agrarian committees will be set up; they will be given the right over state, princely and nobles’ lands; soon the lands will be confiscated and given to the peasants; ) the national issue will be decided on the basis of national self-determination; 3) the stable political situation will make favorable influence on the center.

Based on the decision of the Inter-party Council set up on August 12, 917, which included all the major parties except the Bolshevik, the Georgian National Conference was opened on November 9 in the Opera House. 348 deputies took part in the conference: 67 from the member parties, 5 from councils of the workers, peasants and soldiers, 33from local city councils, 9 from provincial and district observant committees, 0 from the Georgian army, 0 from cooperatives, 9 from Teachers’ Unions, 9 from the Georgian press, 9 from educational institutions, 5 from merchants, entrepreneurs and bankers. Additionally, among the delegates were representatives of the Council of Catholicos, Georgian Muslims, Catholics, Abkhazs and Jews.
Noe Zhordania was elected the Chair of the Conference, His deputies elected were Giorgi Laskhishvili, Grigol Veshapeli, Vladimir Gobechia and Akaki Chkhenkeli.

The Conference adopted an agenda with three main issues to be considered: ) current situation and Georgian nation; ) report on the assets of the nobility; ) current issues (introduction of eroba (local self-government offices), nationalization of the army and the schools, problems with food, and elections to the National Council).

On November 21, the National Conference elected the National Council with 5 Social-Democrats – N. Zhordania, Ak. Chkhenkeli, E. Gegechkori, N. Ramishvili, et al; 10 Social-Federalists - G. Laskhishvili, Gr. Rtskhiladze, S. Pirtskhalava, D. Uznadze, Al. Tsereteli, et al; 9 National-Democrats – N. Nikoladze, Sp. Kedia, G. Gvazava, Sh. Amirejibi, et al.; 6 Socialist-revolutionaries – K. Meskhi, I. Gobechia, V. Cherkezishvili et al.; Radical-Democrats; two non-party men--K. Abkhazi, K. Makashvili; and one representative each from Ajara, Sokhumi, Zakatala and Tskhinvali. The Council elected the observant committee including 5 men – chair, N. Zhordania, and deputies (comrades), Ak. Chkhenkeli, Gr. Rtskhiladze and G. Veshapeli.

On December 6, the Council promulgated an address to Georgian people, which stipulated the problems to be resolved – the nationalization of the schools, the court of law, the administration and the army; taking control of the collective assets of the nobility and their protection; improving the financial situation and so on. Unfortunately, it all remained on paper only.

The second session of the National Conference, on December 10, 917, considered the issue of the relation between the Transcaucasian government and the National Council as well as of formation of the army.

Initially, there was no disagreement between the Transcaucasian government and the National Council; they both denounced the Bolshevik government of Russia.

The process of formation of the national army was neither smooth nor swift. Two Georgian regiments had already been formed; however, it was not an easy task to form the others. The provisional government of Russia gave consent about the formation of national detachments; however, it was not easy to withdraw Georgian soldiers and officers from the Russian Army and to form national divisions. Russian officers refused to comply with the commands of their authorities and to give the arms and military equipment to the Georgians.

Early in 1918, Tbilisi faced a new menace; 16 echelons equipped with guns and machineguns reached Tbilisi, demanding the government resign. E Gegechkori entrusted General G. Mazmiashvili with defense of the capital. The latter put cannons on Soghalughi ridge and Makhata Mountain, from where he had a clear view of the invading echelons. He warned the soldiers that he would open fire if they dared to enter the city; the intimidated soldiers were happy to receive their food, and the echelons headed for Baku. At N. Ramishvili’s command, they had an armored train follow the echelons to make sure the soldiers did not disembark. At Shamkori station, Azerbaijani army units managed to disarm the echelons. About 2,000 Russian soldiers, as well as the chief of the armored train Eugeni Apkhazava died during the clash.

On January 5, 1918, the Russian Constituent Assembly including representatives of bourgeois and non-Bolshevik parties, opened. They refused to recognize the Council of People’s Commissars as the government of Russia as well as the decrees adopted by it. In response, at the command of Lenin, the short-lived Russian Constituent Assembly was unceremoniously dispersed. It caused great disappointment to the Democratic forces and to the West in general.

Georgian political parties also revolted. Some of them even considered that an alliance with Bolshevik Russia was dangerous for Georgia and demanded that Georgia secede. According to the National-Democrats, “Georgia should immediately sever from the inexorable fate of Russia.”

It was obvious that National-Democratic party was planning to set up a provisional government and summon a constituent assembly. Other parties, except for the most influential Social-Democratic party, supported them to a certain extent.

The Social-Democratic party, together with the Dashnaks and the Mussavatis managed to convene the Transcaucasian Seim, the Parliament.

On February 10, 918, the Seim was opened. A majority of the deputies were from the Georgian Social-Democratic party with 32men. From the Azerbaijan Mussavatis were 30 men and from Armenian Dashnaks, 7 men. Other parties had so few representatives that in some cases their attendance had only symbolic meaning.

At the first session, N. Zhordania addressed the audience with the faction program of the Social-Democratic party. According to him, the paramount goal was the struggle for socialism; he mentioned socialism had united them with their Russian colleagues; however, the Bolsheviks halted this trend. The working people turned to a socialist revolution, which, in its turn had led to the civil war and the disintegration of Russia. He said their goal was to establish the republican style of government and Transcaucasia was to become a legal state. He said, they should pay special attention to the people’s will and demands, which would, in the first place, be expressed in carrying out agrarian reform. N. Zhordania believed the national issue was of paramount importance for the Transcaucasian countries. He believed, to begin with, the Transcaucasian nations’ borders were to be delineated and the countries be established in the form of self-governing cantons. This idea of N. Zhordania was supported by the Azeri and Armenian deputies. In addition, they were convinced that other nations (except the Georgians, the Azeri and the Armenians) did not need any political autonomy and deemed that cultural-national autonomy would be sufficient for them.

The Socialist-Federalist faction demanded the three major nations were to be territorially and politically separated. Whether these nations, who were members of the confederation, would be independent countries or enter the Russian Federation depended on the events and processes that would develop in Russia. In the case, democracy won in Russia, Transcaucasia would remain an autonomous unit within Russia.

Giorgi Gvazava read the declaration of National-Democratic party. It said that the party supported the idea of self-identification of the nations until their political separation. However, they thought the free and equal union of the nations was admissible. He denounced the activities of the Russian political parties, especially those of the Bolsheviks who paid lip-service to the right of the self-identification of the nations but in actuality declared war on the Ukraine, who had declared independence.

The Esers supported the establishment of the Transcaucasian state and called for the government’s accountability to the Seim.

Different was the stand of the Transcaucasian Kadets (Constitutional-Democrats) and of the local Russian population declared to the Seim by N. Semionov. According to him, everybody had to remember that the Transcaucasia was an inseparable part of Mother Russia, which had only temporarily seceded from her. He said, in the current situation they had to summon the Seim that would encourage restoration of Democracy in Russia.

Unsurprisingly, the Social-Democrats gained the trust of all the parties by refusing to recognize Bolshevik Russia and by supporting the separation of the Transcaucasia. This secured them the right of establishing a new government headed by A. Chkhenkeli, whose new Transcaucasian Ministry contained mostly Georgian Mensheviks, Musavatis and the Dashnaks.

The Transcaucasian government had three immediate problems to solve – implementing agrarian law and carrying through land reform; ending the war with Turkey; and settling strained relations with Russia. Unfortunately, the new government proved to be unable to solve any of the above problems.

On March 7, 1918, the agrarian law was enacted, which involved confiscating the land from landowners and reapportioning it to the peasants. However, the government did not put forth much effort to put the law into action. The Bolsheviks took advantage of the impotence of the government and instigated minor peasant uprisings in Inner Kartli (The Liakhvi gorge), Lechkhumi, Mingrelia and Abkhazia. Increasing price inflation created resentment among the working class and led to more strikes. The events on the international political arena were even more menacing.

In February-March of 1918, Soviet Russia held secret negotiations with Germany and its allies. The Turkish delegation demanded Batumi and Karsi be ceded to them. No representative of the Transcaucasian provisional government was attending the negotiations (they were not invited). At the Brest-Litovsk treaty negotiations, the Bolsheviks agreed to exclude from Russian territory the districts of Batumi, Ardahan and Kars. When they heard about such treachery of Russia in Tbilisi, the Transcaucasian government declaimed this act of Russia and decided to negotiate with Turkey. Ak. Chkhenkeli, who combined the offices of Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, sent a delegation to Trebizond to demand a peace treaty without annexation and inviolability of the Georgian borders (according to the terms of treaty of 1914). The negotiations with the hostile neighbor were fruitless.

The Transcaucasian government managed to hold a referendum about ceding the Karsi and Batumi regions to Turkey (Brest-Litovsk treaty). A hostile Turkey did not wait long; it launched new attacks in March and April of 918 and seized Karsi, which was a major part of the Yerevani province, the Batumi region, a part of Ozurgeti, and the Akhaltsikhe-Akhalkalaki districts. The Turkish army occupied Guria almost to Natanebi. The local Christian population was mercilessly plundered, assaulted and massacred. The newly formed Georgian and Armenian armies offered only puny resistance to the well-trained Turkish troops, while Azerbaijan took the side of Turkey from the beginning.

The defeated Transcaucasian government decided to compromise and to acknowledge the terms of Brest-Litovsk treaty regarding ceding Batumi and Karsi to Turkey. By that time, Turkey had already held a referendum in the regions; the population, threatened by the Turkish menace, had voted for Turkey. Turkey delivered an ultimatum to the Transcaucasian government; in case they wanted to negotiate, they had to issue an official declaration of secession from Russia. This ultimatum of Turkey precipitated the following events. On April 9, 1918, first at the session of the Social-Democratic Party and later, on April 22, 1918, at the session of Seim, the Transcaucasia was proclaimed an independent Democratic-Federative Republic. As the later events proved, it was the first step made towards independence by the Transcaucasian nations.

The decision of the Transcaucasian Seim led to certain changes in the government. Ak. Chkhenkeli combined the offices of the Head of the Government and Foreign Secretary; Ak. Chkhenkeli published the names of the members of his new Transcaucasian Ministry: Noe Ramishvili, Minister of the Interior; A. Khatisov, Minister of Finances; V. Khoiski, Minister of Justice; Gr. Giorgadze, Minister of War; N. Usumbekov, Minister of Education; and A. Saakian, Minister of Food Supplies.

Chkhenkeli declared himself willing to accept the Brest-Litovsk treaty and conduct further negotiations based upon the treaty. The negotiations with Turkey were renewed on May 11, 918. The Transcaucasian delegation, to emphasize its special importance, was headed by Ak. Chkhekeli. Turkey, encouraged by its military success, demanded far more: Batumi and Karsi regions, and a third of Yerevan province, Akhaltsikhe and Akhalkalaki districts; in addition, they demanded the Transcaucasian railroad be supervised by Turkey. Naturally, these terms were unacceptable; therefore, each member state of the Transcaucasia started to look for individual ways of solving the situation. The Georgian National Council sought German support; Armenians counted on England, while Azerbaijan, for clear reasons (genetically related peoples, common language, the same religion), believed establishing Turkish domination on its territory was reasonable.

According to the plan by Ak. Chkhenkeli, in order to win German support, the treaty and the military agreement were to be signed not only with Turkey but also with its allies. In his speech to the government on May 12, he claimed that during the negotiations, he had been concerned with the interests of Armenia only and said now it was time he looked after Georgian interests. On May 5, in his secret letter addressed to Noe Zhordania, he said, “Counting on the support of German delegation, I intend to start diplomatic negotiations on behalf of Georgia. Independence of Georgia will become the paramount issue after the negotiations are over. You must become the leader of the Georgian nation; you must assume the role of the bourgeoisie as there is no one else as influential as you are. Do not turn the national issue into a party issue. The party that loves its nation can rescue the nation’.
As it generally happens in the transition period, the ideas and sentiments of the parties significantly varied. Some Georgian parties resented the fact that the Transcaucasian constitution had not yet been adopted. Some were concerned that the status of the three states of the Transcaucasia had not yet been identified. Others were worried that there was no national Georgian state. Others demanded that Georgia declare absolute independence.

To the Social-Democratic party’s credit, it patterned its behavior on the ongoing events, both domestic and international, and started getting ready to declare the independence of Georgia, for an independent Georgia could cope better with the situation.

After the peace treaty conference at Batumi and the ultimatum from Turkey, Ak. Chkhenkeli became convinced that it was vital to declare independence. On May 23, Ak. Chkhenkeli in his letter addressed to the leaders of the National Council highlighted once more that it was crucial to declare the independence of Georgia. He applied to Germany’s Duke Schulenburg (a representative of Germany in the Transcaucasia) for protection of Georgia’s independence. Schulenburg would meet the Turks with a small detachment of German captives and declare to the Turks that they were not entitled to cross the Georgian border as Georgia was under protection of Germany. Further, he said he sent a coded message to General Kvinetadze to give him instructions for military readiness. Chkhenkeli reiterated: “we can offer resistance only on behalf of the independent Georgia.”

In Tbilisi, the National Council set up a special commission including N. Ramishvili and D. Vachnadze, which was to draw up a plan to resist the Turkish invasions. Entitled by Schulenburg, who at that time was in Tbilisi, D. Vachnadze collected a small task force from German prisoners of war; he, together with Lieutenant Emilio Kaiser, had 1200 soldiers armed, dressed in appropriate uniforms, and sent to the front. At Natanebi Bridge, they met the enemy; with their assistance, the Georgian army and the armored train of Valerian Gunia killed 500 Turkish soldiers and officers on the front of Guria. This minor victory alarmed the Turks. The German support played its part – the Turkish government started to compromise; they ceased attacks and resumed peace negotiations.

It was obvious, that Georgia, with the assistance of powerful protector and ally, was to act on its own. A majority of the parties viewed Germany as such an ally of Georgia, except for the Bolsheviks, who depended on Russia.
On May 5, 1918, debates and discussions started in the Transcaucasian Seim and Georgian National Council. The political factions failed to see events eye to eye; therefore, at 11o’clock in the morning on May 6, the Transcaucasian Seim, adopted its last decree about the disintegration of the Transcaucasian Federation and final dissolution of the Transcaucasian Seim. On the same day, at 5 o’clock in the afternoon, Noe Zhordania proclaimed Georgia a sovereign country and read a formal Act of Independence.

2. Declaration of Independence of Georgia. First Obstacles and Success towards Building New Nation.

The audience greeted the formal Act of Independence by applauses. Later, at the suggestion of the chair, the Secretary of the National Council read the Act to the people gathered in front of the palace from the balcony. The people met independence with cheers and applause. However, the Bolsheviks were an exception; they denounced the act of separation from Russia and declared war on the Democratic Republic of Georgia.

The preamble of the Act (Declaration) said that after the October Revolution of 1917, the Russian army had withdrawn from the Transcaucasia; local political parties had managed to set up local authoritative bodies and a Transcaucasian state. However, the Federation collapsed due to internal controversies and foreign influence; therefore, Georgia started developing as an independent state; thus, the National Council of Georgia, elected by the National Congress declared,

“1) From now on, the Georgian people have their sovereign rights, and Georgia is a sovereign, independent state; ) The political form of independent Georgia is a Democratic Republic; 3) in international conflicts Georgia maintains neutrality; 4) Democratic Republic of Georgia is willing to have friendly and amicable relations with all its neighbors; 5) Democratic Republic of Georgia guarantees political and all the other rights of an individual within its borders to all people; 6) Democratic Republic of Georgia shall create favorable conditions of development and self-fulfillment for all the nations dwelling on its territory; 7) Until the Constituent Assembly is summoned, the Democratic Republic of Georgia is governed by the National Council, which will include representatives of the minor nations, and by the Provisional Government, answerable to the National Council.”

In accordance with the above Act of Independence, members of the National Council were Russians, Armenians, Azeris, Abkhazians, Ossetians, Jews and other nations dwelling on the territory of Georgia. The National Council included 120 members. Later, at the suggestion of the leading Social-Democratic faction, the National Council was renamed Parliament, despite the resistance of all the factions and parties. ‘The Sakartvelo’ (‘the Georgia’), newspaper of the National-Democrats wrote, “In every country Parliament bears a name that sounds national; it was the same in Georgia, and it was called ‘The National Council;’ however, from now on, ‘it has no name.’ Deputy to Parliament Eq. Takaishvili made an effort to retain the national name for Parliament; however, he did so in vain. Thus, the newspaper said, “Even history and knowledge have been defeated.” As history has proved, the Social-Democrats were right even at that juncture; modern supreme legislative body is still called Parliament today.

Upon adopting the Act of Independence and in accordance with the Act, a provisional coalition government was set up with Noe Ramishvili (Social-Democrat) as Chair and Minister of the Exterior; Grigol Giorgadze (Social-Democrat) as War Minister; Akaki Chkhenkeli (Social-Democrat) as Minister of Foreign Affairs; Shalva Aleksi-Meskhishvili (Social-Federalist) as Minister of Justice; Giorgi Zhuruli (National-Democrat) as Minister of Commerce and Industry; Noe Khomeriki (Social-Democrat) as Minister of Agriculture; and Giorgi Laskhishvili (Social-Federalist) as Minister of Education. Obviously, the majority of the seats in the government were taken by Social-Democrats (of eight Ministers, four were representatives of the Social-Democrats); however, other the parties’ influence was also very strong.

The first statute enacted by the independent Georgia was signing a peace treaty with Turkey. Although Georgia lost the Batumi district and a major portion of Akhaltsikhe-Akhalkalaki districts, they eliminated the menace of losing other territories.

Another step was starting negotiations with Germany by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ak. Chkhenkeli. At the end of May 1918, the parties signed six different documents. In the first document, the ‘Temporary Agreement between Georgia and Germany,’ Georgia recognized the terms of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and granted the right to the four countries who were parties to the treaty to exploit the Georgian railroad until the end of the war. Later, on August 27, Germany and Russia signed an amendment to the Brest-Litovsk Treaty - Article 13 which stipulated that Russia gave consent to Germany to recognize the independence of Georgia. This fact also meant that Russia indirectly recognized the independence of Georgia.

Every fact suggested that Germany was an enthusiastic supporter of a newborn Democratic Republic of Georgia. Naturally, Germany had interests of its own here. Namely, the amendment to the first ‘Temporary Agreement between Georgia and Germany’ dealt with industrial and financial issues – Georgian-German Mining Joint-Stock Company was set up with equal rights and shares for both. Germany was granted the right of purchasing and exporting all the excess output. Germany was to regulate the naval communications of Georgia and facilitate the importation of basic commodities. The German Mark was to circulate in Georgia as a legal tender. However, none of the terms was carried out after Germany had lost World War I and was replaced by England in the Transcaucasia.

On June 12, 1918, Noe Ramishvili made a report on two weeks of operations to Parliament and Government. The report included the plans of the government. The paramount issue here was defending Georgia from external enemies; Georgia relied on German support. Germany installed a representative of his in Georgia, which meant that Germany formally recognized Georgia as an independent state; furthermore, Germany promised to convince his allies as well as the Russian government to do the same.

The economic part of the declaration put forward the following objectives: “In the nearest future we intend to start the exploitation of forests, bog reclamation, construction of new aqueducts and railroads etc.”
For local authoritative bodies, the provisional government intended to establish the institute of ‘erobas.’ According to N. Ramishvili, the government would do its best to summon the Constituent Assembly ‘as soon as possible’ and form a solid foundation for the country’s national structure.
The first government of the Democratic Republic of Georgia, headed first by Noe Ramishvili, and later by Noe Zhordania, existed only for 9 months (May 26, 1918 – March 1, 1919) but managed to achieve quite tangible results despite an extremely difficult internal and external situation.

Naturally, the foundation stone of a country’s sovereignty and independence is its formation of army. With this view, the Parliament of the Democratic Republic of Georgia enacted three statutes: 1) Regulations for military management of the Democratic Republic of Georgia; 2) Regulations for conscription into the army; 3) Regulations for a regular army of the Democratic Republic of Georgia. On July 2, 1918, Parliament adopted a law about the reorganization of public guards, in accordance with which the guards were turned into national armed forces. According to the service regulations, guards were not obliged to live in military barracks; conversely, they spent most of their time at home or at work. Public guards were at service only during training or during war. The guards were commanded by headquarters and were formed and approved by the government. Only the head of the government, in rare cases the chief of the headquarters, was entitled to mobilize or disband guards.

A law, consisting of 12articles, enacted by the government on August 0, 918, identified the way of conscription into the army: 1) military service is compulsory and each citizen is to conscript; ) each citizen between the ages of 0 and 45 shall conscript; 3) those who are eligible for conscription but are unsuitable for drills, shall serve in the army in the way it suits their physical condition, knowledge and experience; 4) the armed forces of the Republic consist of the regular army and troops; 5) the army is comprised of two parts, the standing army and the reserve; the standing army is always alert while the reserve will assist when needed; 6) the troops are rallied by the government, and every man from the ages of 7 to 50 shall conscript; 7) the armed forces are apolitical; 8) the term of service is 5 years; 9) real military service two years; 0) reserve – 5 years; 11) serving in troops - eight years; ) those who are conscripted to the reserves and to the troops are registered and shall get military training during three weeks every year.

Naturally, the number of soldiers and their armaments and equipment depends on the economy of the country. The armed forces were not fully mobilized or funded because of the deficiency in the country’s budget. The regular army of the Democratic Republic of Georgia included no more than 30,000 men, while the personnel of the guards was even less.

The Georgian armed forces did not have a united High Command; there was a confrontation, instigated by the clash of interests of different parties--between the army and the guards. For instance, the National-Democrats viewed the Public Guards as supporters of the Social-Democrats, i.e. the ruling party, and did not trust them. Therefore, they called for establishing one, united army.

Germany applied to the Georgian government to set up two well-trained divisions and promised to help in providing them with arms and equipment. However, the loss of Germany in the World War II halted the developments.
Parliament set up a special commission to investigate the situation in the armed forces. General G. Odishelidze reported the findings of the commission to Parliament on October 6, 1918. The commission reported that the poor situation in the army was a result of the poor conditions in the political and economic life of the country. Nevertheless, when it was needed the Georgian army courageously fought against the Russian and Armenian aggressors.

Another issue of vital importance facing the country’s government was the administrative-territorial arrangement of the country. On October 2, 918, the Georgian Parliament adopted a law on provincial, county, and district administrative headquarters. Provincial commissars and their deputies were appointed in Tbilisi and Kutaisi; furthermore, Sokhumi county commissar, commissars of 4 counties and 56 districts were appointed. In each village there was set up a five-man militia force.

Forthwith, the National-Democratic faction of Parliament severely criticized the new administrative arrangement system. They condemned the increased bureaucracy, especially the institute of commissars, and they demanded the abolition of the division of the country in provinces. According to Vasil Tsereteli, it was excessive for such a little country as Georgia; he said such division was remnant of Tsarism. Parliament and the government promptly responded to the fair criticism and abolished the division of the country into provinces. In addition, they eliminated the institute of the Council of Commissars of counties. In the second half of 918, elections to Erobas were held; despite the fact that almost all the seats in self-governing bodies were taken by Social-Democrats, other parties – Social-Federalists, Social-Revolutionaries and National-Democrats – had representatives in executive bodies.

Significant changes were made to Justice (Minister of Justice – Social-Federalist, Shalva Aleksi-Meskhishvili). They abolished revolutionary tribunals and various investigation commissions; Workers’ Councils were deprived of the right of justice. On September 4, 918, Parliament enacted a law on the reorganization of the institute of Justice of the Peace and on establishing the institute of the Jury. The Senate – the supreme appeal organization – with 12senators (Ivane Zurabashvili, Solomon Mikeladze, Levan Asatiani and others) was created. Another important step forward was establishing a Department of Codification at the Ministry of Justice, which from January 919 regularly published a ‘Collection of Government Statutes and Decrees.” Nowadays, the collection is an invaluable source for studying the history of the Georgian Democratic Republic.

Two other important issues before the government of the Democratic Republic of Georgia were economic and agrarian. The first involved delivering the country from severe economic crisis and the other carrying out agrarian reforms to rescue the country from an acute food shortage.

With the view of improving the economic situation, food committees were established. Striving to centralize the country’s provision of food, the committees interfered in the market relationships and restricted free trade. The new policy of the country was approved by the Social-Federalists and Social-Revolutionaries but was severely criticized by National-Democrats, who supported free trade and opposed the government’s interference in the food provision .

Taking the critics of the opposition parties into account, the government resolved: 1) to declare free trade of wheat and bread within Georgia; 2) to free the import of wheat and flour from customs duties; 3) to abolish all the food committees; 4) to carry out a vigorous campaign against speculation of food and basic commodities by the Minister of Interior and Food Supplies.
Almost nothing was changed by the decrees, for the country was in the state of war and economic relations were naturally disorganized. Little supply of food was imported from Russia or Europe, for Russia, itself was facing the menace of famine; locally harvested crops of grains were not enough for the people.

Land, as the main real estate, has always been driving special interest; therefore, the agrarian issue has always been paramount and the most severe for revolutions and governments of all times. The Georgian provisional government was no exception either.

As early as December 6, 917, the Transcaucasian Commissariat enacted a decree on land; however, it never really came into effect, for it was very general. On March 7, 918, the Transcaucasian Seim adopted a law establishing the statutory maximum individual holding of land – with 7, 5, and 40 hectares depending on the type of land (according to the regions) and the profitability of the crops normally grown. Nevertheless, the law failed to establish the size of the land for landless peasants. The peasants solved the problem on their own, they wrested lands from landlords and apportioned them among each other.

Adoption of the Declaration of Independence by Georgia precipitated realization of the law on landed property. All the lands, prior belonging to Russia on the territory of Georgia were declared national property. Big landed properties as well as forests were nationalized. Through these measures, the government obtained 621hectares of arable and other land. The government granted the management of these lands to land committees that were to grant leases on the land to peasants with sub-average holdings.
After heated debates on the agrarian issue among the factions in the Georgian Parliament, a new law was enacted on January 8, 919. The new law granted ownership of the rented lands (nadeli) to peasants (the size of the land was restricted). The law provided for the sell of the land, which had been their ex-landlords’ property, to landless peasants.

The law drew severe criticism from the opposition parties. On one hand, Socialist-Federalists and Socialist-Revolutionaries accused the government of retaining private property, and on the other, Socialist-Nationalists argued that by depriving the landlords of their lands, the government was undermining rational agriculture.

The government was compelled to be very cautious in its agrarian policy and to compromise when it was reasonable. The major part of the land was declared national property; private and sole property became largely popular. A part of the land was seized by Erobas and the town self-governing bodies. Thus, a part of the land became municipal property. Princely estates – Tsinandali, Mukuzani, Napareuli, Mukhrani, Giaurarkhi, Karakala, Vachevi, Chakvi, Grand Duke Alexander Nicholas’s son’s estate in Borjomi as well as his domains in Abkhazia (Sinopi and Dioskuria), estates of Pridanov in Manavi and Skra, of Mantashov and Aramiantsi in Inner Kartli, Ananov’s property in Vartsikhe, of Spetskoy and Igumnovy in Sokhumi - all became national property.

Nevertheless, many capitalists’ property remained untouched. It is true they were deprived of the land in excess of the established norm, but they were given the right to rent their lands. It enabled an eminent Capitalist Kuchenbach to recover his lands in 1918-920.

The new law created resentment of behalf of the bankers; the majority of the nobility’s lands were used as security in the banks, and the new law prohibited selling or purchasing such lands. The bankers were likely to lose not only the interest on the debt service payment but also the initial loans. They sought damages from the government. The government understood the bankers’ indignation but there was little they could do.
The agrarian reform of 919 created favorable conditions for the progress and development of agriculture based on free labor – of peasants, farmers, cooperative and the state.

For Abkhazia. In November 917, the National Council of Abkhazia was elected in the elections held by local organizations. On February 6, 918, their representatives – A. Shervashidze, M. Emkhvari, N. Marghania, N. Chkhotua and M. Tsaguria –declared in their meeting in Tbilisi with the members of the Observant Committee of the National Council of Georgia that they intended to separate from Georgia and establish the sovereign state of Abkhazia. Naturally, they were refused and suggested it would be more reasonable for Abkhazia to remain an autonomous republic within Georgia. Finally, they agreed to put for a joint effort to recover the Gagra region ceded to the Sochi district in 1904 by Russia. The agreement failed due to the exertions of the local Bolsheviks, who set up the Military-Revolutionary Committee and declared Soviet rule in Abkhazia. They got in touch with Bolshevik Russia and with the assistance of 2,000 Cossacks from Kuban ejected a small detachment of Georgian Guards stationed at Gudauta. After the Transcaucasian Federation Republic was disbanded, the government of independent Georgia dispatched a large detachment to Abkhazia. In addition, Georgia sought peaceful settlement of the conflict through negotiations.

Despite the fact that on June 8, 1918, the Georgian government signed an agreement with the representatives of Abkhazia recognizing the local Abkhazian self-governing authorities and despite the fact that Georgia was ready to grant autonomy upon it, the Abkhazian leaders went even further and demanded almost absolute sovereignty, which lead to hostilities between the two parties. After the brilliant military campaign in Abkhazia and the northern Caucasus (up to Tuapse) of the Georgian Public Guards under the commands of General G. Mazmiashvili, Georgia re-established its jurisdiction over Abkhazia. Besides the liberation of Sokhumi, Gudauta, Gagra and Sochi (June 22–July 6), the most impressive victory was the one won 24 km. away from Tuapse where Georgian Guards exploded the enemy’s armored train and scattered 4,000 enemy soldiers.

On September 3, 918, after hearing the report by Minister of Abkhazian Affairs, Colonel Chkhotua, the government resolved to investigate the ongoing events in Abkhazia as well as study the grievances brought about by the activities of Georgian army in the region and estimate the damages incurred by the local people. Based on the findings of the committee, the Georgian government spread information that a part of the Public Council of Abkhazia was treacherously (by foreign interference) striving to exacerbate the situation in Abkhazia. Namely, Marghania, the Commissar of the Okrug (district), and Colonel Chkhotua, Minister of Abkhazian Affairs, had control over the National Council of Abkhazia and were exerting to separate Abkhazia from Georgia with the aid of Turkey and Russia. Therefore, on October 10, 1918, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Georgia enacted a decree disbanding the existing Public Council of Abkhazia; new elections were appointed for spring 919. A special central committee was set up to hold the elections; before the elections, Beniamin Chkhikvishvili was appointed chief of the Okrug to whom all the authoritative bodies of Abkhazia would answer; the power of Minister of Abkhazian Affairs Chkhotua was terminated; the Central Committee was entrusted with protecting the property of the Public Council.

According to the ‘Statute on Abkhazian Autonomy’ adopted by the Public Council of Abkhazia, elected in 919, Abkhazia was to remain as an Autonomous Republic within the Democratic Republic of Georgia; the relations between the Center and the Autonomy were to be regulated by the Constitution, a constituent part of the Constitution of Georgia. The fact was approved by the Georgian Constituent Assembly on March , 919. The issue of Abkhazia seemed to have been settled; however, it only seemed so. Later, as a result of the Bolshevik policy that had been carried out in the region for decades, Abkhazian separatism never really faded away and exploded in the late XX century instigated and supported by Russia. The new Georgian Government, which came to power after the ‘Rose Revolution,’ has inherited the acute problem of Abkhazia that is yet to be settled.

In spring 918, along with the processes in Abkhazia, an agrarian movement started in the Liakhvi region. The Bolsheviks managed to give it political shade and significance, directing it against the Government of Georgia and declaring the rule of the Soviets in Tskhinvali. Groups under Koniashvili and Jugheli recaptured Tskhinvali and recovered the power of the Georgian government there. However, the Ossetian separatists kept undermining the Georgian influence in the region.

June and July 1918 saw anti-governmental uprisings, instigated by the Bolsheviks, on the Military Highway of Georgia (the Aragvi gorge). The rebels, mainly Russian soldiers remaining in Georgia, seized Dusheti and strove to establish the power of the Soviets here. A large detachment under Sasha Gegechkori headed for Dusheti from Vladikavkaz to aid the rebels; however, detachments under General Koniashvili, Jugheli and Dgebuadze ousted them and re-established the power of the Georgian government in the region. In this connection, Deputy D. Vachnadze (National-Democrat) proposed to Parliament to clear Georgia of Russian soldiers remaining in Georgia and to return them back to Russia (either by their own will or by force); in addition, Russian soldiers were to be banned from wearing Russian uniforms on the territory of Georgia. Officers of Tsarist Russia stayed in Georgia for many years to come, as the events developed unfavorably for Georgia.
The Government of Democratic Republic of Georgia, through their energetic actions, managed to retain northern and eastern territories of the country and to terminate, though temporarily, the separatist movement. However, problems menacing from the south were more acute.

War with Armenia. At the time of the Transcaucasian Federation, major political entities within it held debates about their territories. The most energetic of those was Armenia, which claimed its right on the southern part of Borchalo district in Georgia and Zakatala in Azerbaijan. In addition, Armenia and Azerbaijan were at war for seizing Karabagh and its adjacent territories. In late October and early November of 918, three main issues were considered at an International Conference: ) legal recognition of each other’s sovereignty by the Transcaucasian nations; 2) settlement of debatable issues through peaceful negotiations; 3) reports to the international congresses in support of each other to obtain international recognition of the sovereignty of the Transcaucasian nations. The parties seemingly agreed but without any tangible results. Just the opposite, Armenia took advantage of the short peaceful period and embarked on a war. In October - November 918, the Entente as well as others viewed the defeat of Germany as the defeat of its allies, including Georgia. When dividing the spheres of influence and domination, Georgia was ceded to Great Britain. Encouraged by the development on the international political arena, Georgia’s neighbors thought it was the right time for capturing its territories. The Republic of Ararat (Armenia) levied war on Georgia without declaring it; Denikin (Southern Russia) intensified its attacks on Georgia. Initially, the events developed in the following way:

No sooner had Turkey, an ally of Germany, signed the temporary peace treaty of Mudros with England and France on October 0, 918, and evacuated the Lore district, than the Republic of Ararat moved in and occupied it. The Georgian government resisted the invasion and responded appropriately to recover the country’s territory.

Naturally, heated debates were held in Parliament. Representatives of factions demanded the Government resort to more drastic actions “in order to safeguard the legacy of the proud ancestors.” At a session of Parliament on December 17, 918, N. Zhordania declared, “Citizens! Something that should not have happened has happened. After the war has ended, the Armenian government levies war on the Republic of Georgia… We are compelled to bring about peace through arms, for the government of the Republic of Ararat rejects peaceful negotiations.”

On December 20, 918, after the Georgian army had repelled the Armenian forces, the Georgians mounted a counterattack. Georgians recaptured the territory seized by the hostile neighbor; the Armenian army was utterly routed but was rescued by the interference of Britain, which forced peace upon the two neighbors. They set up a neutral zone and the Georgian and Armenian armies were separated. The Armenians withdrew from the seized region; however, Georgian army did not enter the territory. The Lore district was proclaimed a neutral zone; the ‘status quo’ was not restored there. Actually, the Georgian army won, but the agreement was signed in such a way as if Georgia had lost. The opposition viewed it as the impotence of the Georgian government at a decisive moment. On January 4, 919, at a session of Parliament, Sp. Kedia (National-Democrat) severely criticized the government and claimed that the signed peace treaty deprived Georgia of its sovereign right over its land; therefore, he said, “Parliament must not ratify it on the ground of its inadmissibility.”

Despite, such severe criticism in Parliament, small Georgia did not dare resist the will of the Superpower, the winner of the World War I, and agreed to put up two brigades of the Allies in Tbilisi; as regards Batumi and the Batumi district, the Allies entered it without asking for prior consent of the Georgian government.

3. Constituent Assembly of Georgia

First constitution of Georgia
The Georgian government kept its pledge and scheduled elections to the Constituent Assembly after 9 months. The elections were to be held on February 4, 5, and 6. The government and the political parties were all preparing for the elections.

The Parliament of the Republic of Georgia adopted the ‘Statute of the Constituent Assembly’ consisting of 0 chapters and 119 articles on November 12, 1918. Suffrage was universal, equal and secret, and the method of proportional representation was employed. One hundred thirty members were to be elected. In charge of the elections was the Central Ballot Commission, which was to carry out the elections with assistance of town, district, and rural commissions answerable and accountable to it. Members of the commissions were representatives of the organizations and political parties who would put forward the candidates.

On November 4-9, 918, a week before the statute of the elections was published, the leading political party, the Social-Democratic Organization of Georgia, held their VIII Congress. The main issue on the agenda was the establishment of an independent Social-Democratic party, or more precisely, its legal registration as an independent party. Until then, the Georgian Social-Democratic organization was part of the Russian Social-Democrats (Mensheviks). At that time, the Social-Democratic party in Russia was on its last legs, for the party had grown weaker in its struggle with the Bolsheviks; on the other hand, the Social-Democrats were the leading political force in Georgia with a majority of seats in the country’s government and Parliament. This political nonsense needed to be eliminated, i.e. the Georgian Social-Democratic organization was to become an independent party. Of 75 delegates, 70 voted for the party’s independence.

The eighth Congress turned into the first Congress of the Georgian Social-Democratic party. The members of the Central Committee of the party were elected – N. Zhordania, K. Chkheidze, N. Ramishvili, S. Jibladze, R. Arsenidze, E. Gegechkori and others. Earlier, a group, ‘Alioni,’ had seceded from the Georgian Social-Democrats due to inter-party disagreement. Now that the Georgian Social-Democrats were for the sovereignty of Georgia, it made no sense for ‘Alioni’ to operate as an independent group, so they re-united in January 1919.

Before the elections to the Constituent Assembly, especially during the first quarter of 1919, new political parties and societies were founded specifically with the view of winning seats in the newly elected Assembly. Newly formed organizations like ‘Party of Eugeni Dvali,’ ‘Esthetical League,’ and ‘Group of Greeks’ contended for seats in the Assembly. Non-Georgian parties, like the Russian Social-Democrats and the Armenian Dashnaks, put forward their candidates too; however, the major contestants were traditional, old Georgian political parties. The Central Elections Committee urged Georgian Bolsheviks, as any other parties, to put forward their candidates; however, they boycotted the elections and started spreading leaflets containing nefarious messages: “What should the Constituent Assembly constitute if everything has already been constituted?”; “Whom should Georgian people vote for if they have already managed everything without being elected?”; and “The Constituent Assembly will be unable to issue any decrees better than the ones already adopted by Parliament, for which nobody has voted.” A significant part of the workers and peasants were influenced by these demagogic messages, which might have been the reason why no more than 50% (or slightly more) of the eligible citizens voted. The Bolsheviks’ aim, which was revealed and realized before long, was to make Georgia a part of Russian Federation by its military and political assistance.

What was the ratio of the parties before the elections?

Social-Democrats were fully prepared for the elections; they had registered as an independent party; a little later the ‘Alioni’ group joined the Social-Democrats and ideologically suppressed those five delegates who opposed the idea of separating from Russian Social-Democrats.

In May 1918, Socialist-Revolutionaries made their first step towards separation from the Transcaucasian organization of the Russian Esers and registration as an independent Social-Revolutionary party. The Constituent Congress of the Party was held in June 1918.

The matters were a little more complicated for the National-Democratic party. The Constituent Congress of the Party was held in May 917. Five months later, a group--the National-Radical party—separated from them; the group relied on the peasantry, who formed a majority of the population. They launched a newspaper of their own ‘Our Republic.’ On one hand, they acknowledged the inviolability of the personal property, but on the other they considered the land (in excess of the established norm) that was taken from landlords to be given to poor peasants. The party members were not unanimous in the agrarian issue either. Some of them believed that by depriving landlords of land, the advanced part of the agrarian sector would be weakened; giving the land to peasants for free would lead to struggle and anarchy in the villages. In 918, another faction –the National-Democratic party (G. Veshapeli, R. Gabashvili, D. Vachnadze, G. Machabeli, G. Amirejibi)—seceded from them. The principal party, with its centrist position, had interminable and heated debates with both the left-wing parties (National-Radicals) and the right-wing parties (National-Democrats).

The activities of the Socialist-Federalists were even more strenuous. Initially, the party shared common national and social ideas; however, after Georgia had seceded from Russia, preaching the ideas of autonomy and federalization became absurd. The party lost its influence and consequently, its members. The party sought for its niche in the Georgian political arena and eventually found it – improving inner social structures. They claimed their role was finding the best social structures. The party faced imminent collapse after the separation of the social-radical group and the so-called ‘Indigents.’ “Where is the poor spirit of poor Jorjadze?” pathetically asked the newspaper of the National-Democrats, ‘The Sakartvelo’ (’The Georgia’) The newspaper continued, “Did anybody ever think that the Federalists would arrive at such a conclusion? (The goal here is meant to preach social radicalism). We still hope that the Federalists are not at the nadir yet and Tedo Ghlonti (left-wing Social-Federalist) will not put an end to their existence.” The conflict among the party members was so strong that they failed to draw up the list of the candidates for the Constituent Assembly. The opposition left the meeting and established a new party (in the next hall) of ‘Left wing Social-Federalist party of the Indigents.’ A Newspaper of the Social-Federalists, ‘Public Matters,’ denounced this step by their ex-members. ‘The Indigents’ launched a newspaper ‘the New Trend.’ They were so influenced by the anarchist ideas that later they changed their name and became the ‘Georgian Revolutionary Sindicalist Indigents Union.’ Initially, they shared the Bolsheviks’ ideas but rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat; later they opposed the idea of the state and reasonability of the existence of the political parties. The ‘Indigent-Sindicalists’ failed to gain the support of the working class. Eventually, its leaders decided to return to Social-Federalists. Their application was approved by the fourth Conference of the party.

In accordance with the decree of the Georgian Parliament, the elections to the Constituent Assembly were held on February 4-6, 919. The Central Elections Committee considered the votes, more than half a million (505,477) legitimate. The population of the Batumi district, Borchalo, Akhaltsikhe-Akhalkalaki regions, Khevsureti and Svaneti were unable to vote. The Social-Democrats came to power with an overwhelming majority; they polled 409,766, giving them 109 out of the 130 seats in the Chamber. The other parties to return delegates to the Constituent Assembly were the Social-Federalists (second to the Social-Democrats) with 33,721votes and 8 seats (G. Laskhishvili, G. Rtskhiladze, Sh. Nutsubidze, S. Pirtskhalava, G. Aleksi-Meskhishvili …), the National-Democrats 30,154 votes and 8 seats (N. Nikoladze, Sp. Kedia, G. Gvazava, E. Takaishvili, G. Kikodze), and the Socialist-Revolutionaries 21,721 votes and 5 seats (L. Shengelaia, Iv. Gobechia, Ios. Gobechia, N. Antadze, Sh. Nutsubidze). Other parties – the Radical-Democrats, Nationalists, Indigents, Dashnaktsutuni, Union of Non-Party, and local organization of the Russian Social-Democrats ran for election but received an insignificant number of votes – 779 altogether. After supplementary elections, held some months later in August 919, Dashnaktsutuni got three seats to the Assembly; the leader of the Nationalists, Gr. Veshapeli and Social-Federalist S. Dadiani were elected delegates. Finally, the Constituent Assembly of Georgia had 5 seats.
The Constituent Assembly met for the first time on March 1, 1919; it was opened by the Social-Democrat Silibistro Jibladze. According to him, the Georgian provisional Parliament and government had successfully repulsed domestic and other enemies; he mentioned there were numerous other difficulties but hoped that the people would overcome them and manage to retain the fruits of the Democratic revolution. He highlighted the role of the Constituent Assembly by saying that it would serve for the perfection of the national state.

Two weeks later, the head of the Government Noe Zhordania (March 4, 919) reported to the Assembly about the government’s accomplishments. He said the provisional government had successfully delivered the country through the war. Georgia had stopped at the bourgeois stage of the Revolution. Many reforms had been carried out; the guards had been formed, however, much more was left to be done in the Georgian army. N. Zhordania added that despite numerous problems they had not taken any foreign loans but had issued bonds instead, which brought down the exchange rate (i.e. the bonds were their loans).

R. Arsenidze, spoke on behalf of the faction, about staffing the new government. The issue was a controversial one, for they had two options; on one hand, they could have elected the head of the government, who would staff the cabinet (they argued in favor of this option, for they thought in that case the government would work much more flawlessly); on the other hand, the Constituent Assembly was entitled to elect each member of the government and introduce the institution of the Presidency.

The indecisive stand of the leading political party, which could also be construed as a demonstration of Democracy, caused lively debates. Eventually, they agreed that introduction of the institution of the President vested with special rights was unreasonable.

The Social-Democrats put forward Noe Zhordania as the candidate for office of the head of the government. The National-Democrats supported Zhordania; however, the Social-Federalists and Social-Revolutionaries refused to vote. Despite the opposition, N. Zhordania was elected the head of the government with the overwhelming majority of the votes.

On March 21, 1919, N. Zhordania proclaimed his cabinet: E. Gegechkori, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Justice; N. Ramishvili, Minister of Interior, Military Affairs and Education; N. Khomeriki, Minister of Agriculture and Labor; and K. Kandelaki, Minister of Finances, Trade and Commerce.

The National-Democrats did not like this cabinet, but overall, they supported it. The opposition parties disapproved of the fact that in some cases, one minister supervised two or more ministries, while no other factions were admitted to the cabinet.

When considering the declaration and the plans for future, the fact that the cabinet was staffed with the ministers from one party only led to bitter debates between the ruling party and the opposition.

At the session of March , the government’s declaration was read by E. Gegechkori. It said that the Constituent Assembly, as a sovereign body, was to draw up the Constitution. The government’s aim was to simplify the management of the country and make it more inexpensive. The government would work hard to establish the status of Abkhazia and the Muslim parts of Georgia as soon as possible, perfect district and urban self-governing bodies, accomplish reforms in the court and law, and speed up carrying out the agrarian reform to provide poor peasants with land. Despite certain elements of Democratic Socialism in the declaration of the government, the Social-Federalists and National-Democrats still severely criticized it. They claimed that the government members had remained the same, which also meant that the governmental policy would not change.

On April 25, 919, the regulations of the Constituent Assembly were adopted. The elections to the presidium and standing committees led to sharp debates. The Social-Democrats required a majority of seats (3/4) in the most important commissions. According to G. Gvazava, a National-Democrat, it was reasonable for all the factions to have their representatives there because the commissions’ work in drafting bills was not simple. Finally, there were nine Social-Democrats, two Social-Federalists, two National-Democrats and one Dashnak elected to the Constitutional Commission. Nine Social-Democrats, one Socialist-Revolutionary, one National-Democrat and two Social-Federalists were elected to the Financial-budget Commission. Five Social-Democrats and one representative from each oppositional faction were elected to the Commission of Foreign Affairs; the majority of the members of the Constituent Assembly initially opposed establishing the Commission of Foreign Affairs.

The chair of the Constituent Assembly decided 00 copies would be printed of any drafts, to enable each member of the Assembly to take part in their consideration; a few copies would be printed of all the other documents.
In May 919, the Constituent Assembly reviewed the draft on citizenship of Georgia, which was adopted with a majority of votes, despite severe criticism by the Social-Revolutionaries. According to the draft: 1) each person on the territory of Georgia would be considered a citizen of Georgia provided from July 19, 914, they were registered at any administrative unit of the country; 2) if a person does not meet the above requirement but has been permanently living on the territory of Georgia since July 9, 914, and if claims he/she wants to become a citizen of Georgia within 3months of the promulgation of this law, he/she would be granted citizenship of Georgia. In accordance with article 5, each Georgian citizen, subject to the former Russian Empire, would be granted citizenship of Georgia provided he/she wants to become a citizen of Georgia and applies to Justice of the Peace (if he/she lives in Georgia) or to local Council (if he/she lives in a foreign country) within months of the promulgation of this law. According to article 9, only citizens of Georgia had any political rights in Georgia; others were not eligible to vote in the local elections.

The hardest of all was the work of the Constitutional Commission. Talks and discussions about adopting a constitution started in the National Council. They said that there were three forms of a Democratic country – American, which is a democracy with vested power; French, which is a parliamentary democracy, and Swiss, which is a direct Democracy. The best for Georgia was deemed to be the Swiss model; however, individual elements of others were also considered. In addition, they thought the peculiarities of the Georgian actuality should be taken into consideration.

The head of the Constitutional Committee of the Constituent Assembly was Peter Surguladze (Social-Democrat). The commission’s activities were replete with heated debates about the different factions of the state arrangement system and the powers and responsibilities of the different governmental bodies. The National-Democrats demanded the institute of the Presidency was to be introduced; however, the proposition was finally rejected.

In the late 919, the draft of the Constitution, together with commentary, was already prepared. According to the draft, democracy in Georgia was based on the Swiss-French model. The executive branch was the government elected by Parliament; ministers (the cabinet), proposed by the head of the government, were approved by Parliament. This model was based on the practice approved in the Georgian reality and reflected the existing situation of the country.

The draft was reviewed at the fourth Congress of the Social-Democratic Party in the late 919. After taking into consideration the propositions of the delegates, certain changes to the draft were made. The Constitution stated Parliament was to consist of 01members; the head of the country was the head of the government; and the institute of Presidency was rejected. The government was entitled to rally the army not only of ,000 men but as many as was needed, although they could do so for no longer than 21days. To rally them for more than days, Parliament’s consent was needed. Each minister was vested with absolute power within his ministry but was answerable to Parliament; he was to resign in the case of losing Parliament’s trust. The head of the government submitted to Parliament’s statutes and decisions.
The draft of the Constitution was promulgated in May 1920 and was given to members of Parliament for review. During the 6 months, when the draft was under review, a number of changes and amendments were made. On November 24, the final stage of its consideration began.

P. Surguladze extensively reported on the Constitution to Parliament. Among other things, he mentioned that nothing is permanent. Future generations might not hold with certain articles of the new Constitution; however, the clause that proclaims independence of the Democratic Republic of Georgia must not be altered.

The National-Democrats (V. Tsereteli) challenged the reasonability of proclaiming neutrality of Georgia, for they believed it would make the restoration of Georgia’s historic borders difficult. They supported the main idea of the Constitution that Georgia is a unitary country; there is no ground for making it a federation as the majority (80%) of the population is Georgian.

On October 6, 920, the Public Council of Abkhazia reviewed the draft of the Abkhazian Constitution. The first clause established its borders and stated that Abkhazia is a part of the Democratic Republic of Georgia. Other clauses stipulated the rights and obligations of the government of Georgia and the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia. The amended draft of the Constitution of Abkhazia was sent to the Constituent Assembly for review and enactment.

After so many debates, alterations, and amendments the Constitution of Georgia seemed to be ready but its adoption was delayed without any evident reasons. The legislative activities were precipitated by the threat of flagrant aggression from Russia. On February 21, 1921, after its adoption, the draft became the principal law of Georgia. Four days later, the Soviet army embarked on annexation of Georgia and took the capital Tbilisi. The Constituent Assembly of Georgia, the Menshevik government and leaders of other political parties emigrated abroad escaping the Soviet terror.

4. Education, Science and Culture in the Democratic Republic of Georgia

After wining independence, Georgia faced numerous problems, but the one requiring the most urgent attention was education. Favorable conditions needed to be created for the proper development of the mother tongue and native culture.

As early as September 10, 1917, a branch of the Russian provisional government - the Special Committee of the Trans Caucasus – adopted a law which stated the following: the language of studying and teaching within the state schools was mother tongue; parental consent was needed to regroup children into the national departments; the curriculum was to be adopted and approved by national committees; the list of national subjects included – Mother Tongue, National Literature, and the History of the Nation and Geography. The new schools were to be opened according to the number of nations and their ratio to the total population of Georgia. However, the events developed in such a way (overthrow of the provisional government by the Bolsheviks, separation of the Transcaucasian Federation as an individual political unit, establishment of the National Council of Georgia) that the decree, despite its advanced requirements, became invalid. Therefore, on November 20, 1917, the National Congress set up a Department of Schools and Universities under Iv. Javakhishvili, which was to draw up a draft for turning the existing schools into schools with instruction in the Georgian language and establishing a national university. However, it was done by the Ministry of Education, which was established on the day of the proclamation of independence (Minister Giorgi Laskhishvili). The events were precipitated by the inexorable demand of the public-minded organizations to nationalize all the establishments by August 1, 1918. All the officials not knowing the Georgian language were to resign. Especially stubborn was the Ministry of Justice (Minister Shalva Aleksi-Meskhishvili), where no application written in Russian was admitted. Only those knowing Georgian well were appointed as Judges; all the court proceedings were to be carried out in Georgian. The same was true about the Ministry of Military Affairs (Minister Noe Ramishvili).

On October , 918, Georgian Parliament adopted a law granting Georgian the status of the national language. From then on, Georgian was to be established in all political, economic, cultural and educational institutions. The policy created resentment among other nations, especially among the Armenians and the Russians. The opposition accused the government of nationalism. Later, the law was amended so that members of Parliament not of Georgian heritage were entitled to make their speeches in the Russian language.

The Ministry of Education embarked on energetic actions; they downsized their staff by 80 men and set up an advisory committee – a council that made important decisions. Minister G. Laskhishvili in his speech to Parliament emphasized that the main fault of the old school was the domination of the Russian language. Further, he mentioned there were two ways to solve the problem. Georgians could study in Georgian, while other nationalities were also to be granted the right to study in their native languages. Pupils were not to be graded according to their titles; all the strata of the society were to have equal rights of education; Georgian, Russian and Armenian gymnasiums (schools) were to be established separately. Until then, children of all nationalities studied together.

The Ministry of Education drew up the regulations for school reorganization. In accordance with the regulations, all the state schools were of the same type; however, private schools could be slightly different. In every case, their regulations were to be approved by the Ministry of Education. The goal of the secondary schools was to give youngsters secondary education and prepare them for higher education. After the preliminary school (grades 1-4), the curriculum of the high school (grades 5-8) included the Georgian language, the Russian language, world literature, two foreign languages (Russian compulsory and the other optional), history, political economy, science of law, psychology, logics, mathematics, geometry, geography, physics, chemistry, natural science, hygiene, sacred music, music and crafts. The fact that religion, as an individual subject was not included in the curriculum caused different sentiments among people, and in most cases, the comments were negative. In an article in a newspaper of the National-Democrats ‘The Sakartvelo’ (The Georgia), K. Kelenjeridze writes, “The Georgians of the Golden Age were brought up in studying the Bible; the book has reared the best qualities of the nation; ‘The Knight in the Panther’s Skin’ is based on the Bible; the book must remain the most loved and compulsory book for the future generations, otherwise the Georgian nation will degenerate.” After long debates, religion was excluded from the curriculum and became optional (if a pupil wanted to study the subject then his/her parents were to pay extra fee). Certainly, the clergy and adherents to religion were discontented; the debates lasted until the end of 920, i.e. until the atheist Bolsheviks seized power.

The following figures attest to the advancement of education in the Democratic Republic of Georgia – in 1914 there were only 864 schools of all types with 80,000 pupils, while in 1920 the figure had reached 1,924 schools with 162,000 pupils.

The fact that the government of the Democratic Republic of Georgia was especially concerned with education of national minorities deserves a special mention; between 1918 and 1920, the government opened 81 Armenian, 60 Russian, 31Azeri, 66 Greek and 45 Ossetian schools.

Among the wise organizers of the secondary education in Georgia were: Kita Abashidze, Vukol Beridze, Alexander Mikaberidze, Vakhtang Kotetishvili, Vasil Barnovi, Silovan Khundadze (in his letter to the Minister of Education Silovan Khundadze emphasized the importance of bringing the literary and spoken language close; the need of perfection of the literary language and elimination of grammar divergence), Ilia Peradze, Jacob Tsintsadze, Tedo Sakhokia, Peter Charaia, Joseph Otskheli, Svimeon Otskheli, Alexander Janelidze, Besarion Nizharadze, and Akaki Shanidze to name a few.

During the existence of the Russian Empire, a number of universities were opened throughout; the country; however, they delayed opening a University in Georgia. The Georgian nobility played a part in this delay when talks began about opening a university in the Caucasus; the nobility only offered to open a military institute, and the Russian Emperor willingly acceded.
After the February Revolution and succession of new government to power, a number of Georgian patriots under the young but already outstanding scientist Iv. Javakhishvili (876-940) worked to establish a university in Georgia. On October 3, 917, at the meeting of the University Society - with Iv. Javakhishvili, E. Takaishvili, G. Kazbegi, K. Kekelidze, G. Maghalashvili, P. Gogichaishvili, M. Kurdiani, P. Melikishvili, A. Shanidze, I. Imedashvili et al.– Iv. Javakhishvili drew up regulations for the University, to which was attached an explanation of the regulations, and sent them together with the application for opening a university in Georgia to the Ministry of Education of the provisional government of Russia. The Ministry consented to opening a private higher educational institution, which would not need to have any regulations of its own and would not be entitled to confer scientific degrees. Meanwhile, the provisional government was overthrown by the Bolsheviks (October 25, 1917), and the regulations of the Georgian University were promptly approved (December , 917) by the Transcaucasian Commissariat, independent of the Empire. The society, excited at the prospect of establishing a University, donated more than 100,000 rubles. The day of opening the university was fixed – January 6, 918 – Memory Day of David the Builder. Iv. Javakhishvili, P. Melikishvili and A. Razmadze were entrusted with the job of inviting the first faculty from abroad, from Russia and other foreign countries. The first department to be opened was philosophy department with humanitarian, mathematics and sciences schools. The first faculty were: Iv. Javakhishvili, A. Shanidze, D. Uznadze, Sh. Nutsubidze, K. Kekelidze, G. Akhvlediani, P. Gogichaishvili and S. Avaliani.

At 7.20 p.m. on January 6, 918, four months before the proclamation of the independence of Georgia (May 6, 918), Tbilisi University was opened in the building of the Georgian Gymnasium. In the morning Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia, Kirion II, sanctified the building. The opening speech was made by the first Rector P. Melikishvili; I. Kipshidze spoke about the history of establishing a university in Georgia and thanked the founder of the University, Iv. Javakhishvili, the dean of the Humanitarian Department, for his merit. Four days later, on January 30, Iv. Javakhishvili read the first lecture in the auditorium full of students and representatives of the society.

After proclaiming the sovereignty of Georgia, talks about converting the university into a state institution were started. Minister of Education, G. Laskhishvili, adhered to the idea; on September 3, 918, the Georgian Parliament adopted a statute on ‘Proclaiming Georgian University into State University;’ Iv. Javakhishvili succeeded P. Melikishvili, who had resigned by that time, as rector. The temporary regulations of the university containing a few important clauses were adopted. According to the regulations, the university was granted ‘autonomy’ in dealing with educational, scientific and domestic issues but was supervised by the Minister of Education. It was proclaimed a full university with four schools – Philosophy, Mathematics and Sciences, Law and Medicine; the university was entitled to confer the scientific degree of Doctor of Sciences - abbot-preceptor (Mozghvart-Mozghvari). The first scientific degree was conferred on Ak. Shanidze, and the first dissertation (thesis) defended at the University belonged to Arn. Chikobava. Brilliant students who were eager to pursue their education stayed at University to seek the title of professor; 75 youths were sent abroad to receive their education. From August 918, the whole building of the Georgian Gymnasium (modern first building) was ceded to the university; initially the university was given three rooms only.

Despite its short history, Tbilisi State University after Iv. Javakhishvili has had a very interesting life full of dramatic events.

1918-1920 saw a significant advance in science, especially in the humanitarian sciences in Georgia. It is true that most of the scientists had begun their scientific work prior to the proclamation of the sovereignty of Georgia and created their essential works later (in the period of the Soviet power), but they pursued their activities and made important achievements during Democratic Republic of Georgia.

Of other works published in the period under consideration, the following works are worth mentioning: by Iv. Javakhishvili--‘Towns, Urban Life and Lifestyle of Georgia of XVII-XVIII centuries’ (1918), ‘Short History of the Georgian Nation, Book II I-XII Centuries’ (1918, Kutaisi), ‘Relations between Georgia and Russia in the XVIII Century’ (1919), ‘Georgian Borders from Historical and Current View’ (919), ‘History of Georgian Law’ Book I (919 Kutaisi); by G. Akhvlediani – ‘Introduction to Linguistics,’ ‘Course of Lectures, three parts’ (1918), ‘Russian Grammar for Beginners of Higher Educational Institutions,’ ‘Volume I – Phonetics II – Morphology’ (919), ‘Brief Grammar of Sanskrit’ containing extracts from texts in Sanskrit and Rig-Veda with vocabulary (1920); by K. Kekelidze – ‘Literary Pursuit of Ioanne Petritsi’ (918), ‘Kimen’ Vol. I Pieces of Georgian Hagiography’ (918), ‘An Extract from the History of Georgian Hagiography (The Life of Ilarion the Georgian)’ (920), ‘Exegesis of Ecclesiastes Metropolitan Mitropane of Zmvrani’ (920). In 919, ‘Herald of Tbilisi University’ N with the works of I. Kipshidze, Sh. Nutsubidze, K. Kekelidze, D. Uznadze, S. Avaliani and E. Takaishvili, was published; I and V Volumes of Works of Moscow Archeological Society, Caucasus Department (founded in 901) were published in 919 and 921respectively; in 920, 921, Georgian Technical Society published ‘Technical Terminology’. In 917, Nikolai Marr founded the Caucasus Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Very important was exhibition of dimensions of old Georgian monuments of architecture, of their photos and replicas arranged by Historical and Ethnographic Society of Georgia in Tbilisi, 920. It was the first chance for the Georgian society to become familiar with the materials of E. Takaishvili’s expeditions in southern Georgia in 902, 907 and 917; the catalog of the exhibition containing 289 enumerated and other photos was published both in the Georgian (author E. Takaishvili) and in the Russian (author D. Gordeev) languages. E. Takaishvili (emigrant at that time) published a part of the material without illustrations in Paris in 938; the second part – the materials of the expedition of 1917 - was published in Tbilisi in 1952 (in Russian) and in 1960 (in Georgian).

Literary life was active and diverse in Georgia. It is true the epoch of Georgian luminaries of the XIX centuries was over, but writers who had started their literary pursuit late in the century, such as David Kldiashvili, Sophrom Mgaloblishvili, Shio Aragvispireli, Vasil Barnovi, Anastasia Eristavi-Khoshtaria, Kondrate

Tatarashvili and others, were still creating their works. Early in the XX century, a new generation of prose writers, poets, theorists and publicists who were actively engaged in literary work during the Democratic Republic of Georgia and especially later during the Bolsheviks’ power, came on the scene. They kept abreast of new European literature, adopted it and raised Georgian literature to the standard of the XX century. According to some amazing statistics, “Niko Lortkipanidze started his literary pursuit in 1902, Mikhail Javakhishvili in 903, Geronti Kikodze in 905, Joseph Grishashvili and Sandro Shanshiashvili in 906, Galaktion Tabidze in 908, Leo Kiacheli in 1909, the first letters by Vakhtang Kotetishvili were published in 1912; the first poems and literary articles by Constantine Gamsakhurdia were published in 914” (V. Beridze).

As early as 908, the Writers’ Society with its standing administrative body ‘Council’ was founded; it operated until 917 and published books of poetry of Besiki and I. Grishashvili, and founded a journal ‘Grdemli’(‘Anvil’), only three issues of which saw the light. After the restoration of independence of Georgia, in 917, the Union of Georgian Writers was founded; its constituent conference adopted the regulations of the organization and elected members of the Union’s Council – Constantine Gamsakhurdia, Shalva Dadiani, Paolo Iashvili, Pavle Ingorokva, Kote Makashvili, Titsian Tabidze and Leo Kiacheli. The Union purchased the first floor of the modern Rustaveli Theater and set up café-restaurant ‘Kimerioni’ and a club there. The former became a source of revenue, for they leased it, while the letter was a meeting place of Georgian writers, where they discussed their new works. Earlier than that, in 915-916, a writers’ society ‘Tsisperi Kantsebi’ (‘Blue Horns’) and their journal under the same name were launched. Sergo Kldiashvili, Giorgi Leonidze, Razhden Gvetadze, Shalva Apkhaidze, Nikolo Mitsishvili all were members of ‘Tsisperi Kantsebi.’ Their motto was ‘art for the art’s sake,’ which meant they paid little attention to the idea of literature. Their poetry was a mixture of French symbolism and impressionism on one hand and of the refined Georgian verse on the other; thus, they created masterpieces of world poetry.

Despite the fact that his first collection of poetry ‘Artistic Flowers,’ followed by a series of masterpieces, was published as early as 916, Galaktion still remained aloof from all the other poets (from ‘Tsisperi Kantsis’ and from the Writers’ Union). Nevertheless, Galaktion’s genius was widely recognized; in January 921, a month before the forced conversion of Georgia into a Soviet Republic, Galaktion was conferred the title of the King of Poets by the admirers of poetry for his verse “Poetry the Paramount”
A number of political newspapers were published during the period in question, for each party had a newspaper of its own. In addition, a number of literary newspapers and magazines were in circulation. ‘Tsisartkela” (”Rainbow”), a monthly magazine of the central committee of the Trade Union (was published until 1919); five magazines of the organization of ‘Tsisperi Kantsis,’ ‘Dreamy Gazelles’, ‘Barricade,’ ‘Nature and Science,’ and ‘Archer’; Russian monthly magazine ‘Ars,’ under the editorship of Sergei Gordetski, printed Russian translations of the works of contemporary Georgian poets as well as articles on different issues of arts, culture, etc.

Modern Georgian painting dates back to the late XIX century when young Georgian artists – Romanoz Gvelesiani, Alexander Beridze, Gigo Gabashvili, David Guramishvili, Alexander Mrevlishvili, Mose Toidze, and sculptor Jacob Nikoladze – started their pursuit. However, Georgian art thrived in the period of Democratic Republic of Georgia. Even though, Georgian artists – David Kakabadze, Lado Gudiashvili, Elene Akhvlediani and others - refined their painting skills during their stay in Paris; however, they had been gifted painters with unique skills before leaving for Paris. David Kakabadze created his masterpieces – ‘Imeretian Still Life’ (1918), ‘Imereti – My Mother’ (1918), ‘Imereti, Red Road’ (1918), and sketches for paintings on the walls of café ‘Kimerioni’. In 1920, after leaving for Paris, David Kakabadze became an abstractionist painter, however, in some cases remained devoted to realism. With his marvelous paintings – ‘Series of Kintos,’ ‘Khashi’(‘Boiled Entrails’) (1919), ‘Kintos’ Feast with a Woman’ (919), ‘Toast at the Crack of Dawn’ (920), ‘Fish – Tsotskhali’ (920), ‘Hunting’ and others - Lado Gudiashvili was an innovator in Georgian art.

In 1916, after arriving from Munich, Dimitri Shevardnadze founded the Society of Georgian Artists, the first chair of which was elected an outstanding personality of his times, Giorgi Zhuruli; Dimitri Shevardnadze, who managed the operations of the Society, was elected deputy chair.

According to the regulations, the aim of the society was bringing together artists, sculptors and architects, collecting pieces of arts, setting up an art’s gallery and a library there, publishing a magazine in Georgian and not only, offering rewards, arranging scientific expeditions to study monuments of Georgian art, raising funds for artists and art researchers, etc. During 4-5 years, the society managed to do quite a lot.

In 1919, on the society’s recommendation, the Georgian Government sent David Kakabadze, Lado Gudiashvili and Shalva Kikodze on business trip to France. The society staged a few exhibitions, of which the most important was the exhibition of ‘Modern Georgian Painting and Sculpture’ put in the Monastery of Glory on May 4, 1919. It was the first time Niko Pirosmanashvili’s paintings were displayed and the catalog referred to them as being great. The government gave Mose Toidze a special carriage to put a moving exhibition of the paintings of Georgian painters; he introduced the people of Gori, Surami, Akhalsenaki, Poti, Batumi and Borjomi with the paintings of Georgian artists. In 1920, exhibitions of Georgian painters earned praise in Italy and Paris; eventually, two paintings by Lado Gudiashvili were bought for the National Museum in Madrid.

Great progress was made in Georgian music. As early as the 870s, a collection of Georgian folk songs, edited by A. Benashvili, Z. Chkhikvadze, Ia Kargareteli and others was published. In 882, the chorus under Meliton Balanchivadze and in 885, under Lado Aghniashvili were established. Professional musicians of the period were – Aloiz Mizandari- pianist, Andria Karashvili – violinist and composer, Ivane Paliashvili--conductor, Philimon Koridze--operatic singer and others. In the early XIX century, Meliton Balanchivadze started composing his opera ‘Tamar the Cunning’ (later renamed as ‘Darejan the Cunning’). In 1912, Zakaria Paliashvili started composing ‘Abesalom and Eteri’; in 917, the Tbilisi Conservatoire was founded; in 905, the ‘Georgian Philharmonic Society’ was established by Zakaria Chkhikvadze. A number of choruses were set up: ‘Georgian National Chorus’ –conductor Mikhail Kavsadze, ‘West Georgian Chorus of National Folk Songs” – conductor Dzuku Lolua; a chorus of military union under Niko Sulkhanishvili, choir of the co-operatives’ union (919) under Dimitri Arakishvili and others. In 918, a concert of the works of Dimitri Arakishvili caused great enthusiasm of music lovers; on May 6, 919, a theological concert was held in Tbilisi Opera House, and the music played was ‘New Liturgy’ by Dimitri Arakishvili.

After winning independence, a contest for the creation of the national anthem, standard and state emblem was held. At the contest on June , 918, 11anthems were played; approval was won by two of them – one by N. Sulkhanishvili and the other by K. Potskhverashvili; however, none of them won official approval. The anthem by K. Potskhverashvili ‘Glory’ played on May 26, 918, was not replaced. The State Emblem was created by an outstanding painter Joseph Scharlemen in collaboration with Dimitri Shevardnadze; the standard was designed by Jacob Nikoladze.

At that time, operatic performances were staged in the Russian State Theater in Tbilisi. There were a few Georgian dancers and singers in the company; the orchestra included 48 members. The repertoire was diverse – in 918 ‘Sevillian Barber,’ ‘Toska,’ ‘Traviata,’ ‘Eugene Onegin,’ ‘Nero,’ ‘Quest for Pearls,’ ‘Lakme,’ ‘Fairy Tales by Hofmann,’ a few ballet performances by S. Evlakhashvili and others were staged. However, Georgian music lovers demanded Georgian national operas be staged; the work of composing Georgian national operatic music had been started before proclaiming independence.
May 21, 1918, was the first night of ‘Christine,’ the first Georgian opera in three parts, by Revaz Gogniashvili, on the motives of stories by Egnate Ninoshvili and Polio Ireteli; the opera was played five more times. The producer and conductor was Nicholas Kartvelishvili. Another opera by R. Gogniashvili was not staged. At present, R. Gogniashvili and his operas are forgotten.

1919 is the beginning of the heyday the Georgian operatic music. The manager (commissar) of the Georgian opera house at that time was Alexander Tsutsunava (from the retrospect believed to have been the greatest of all Georgian operatic directors) appointed in 1918. On February 5, ‘Legend on Shota Rustaveli’ was staged in Tbilisi Opera House – director A. Tsutsunava, painter Al. Zaltsman, conductor S. Stolerman, the part of Shota Rustaveli was played by Vano Sarajishvili, Abdul the Arab by Sandro Inashvili, Tamar by Spitko. The performance was a great success with packed house. After the performance, the author was conferred a crown graced with the Georgian flag.

Two weeks later, on February 20, an opera by Zakaria Paliashvili ‘Abesalom and Eteri’ won praise of Georgian music lovers, of the Georgian government and representatives of American mission. Paliashvili was awarded a medal of White George; the government rewarded both composers with 10,000 Tumans. On December 11, the great opera by Viktor Dolidze, ‘Keto and Kote,’ was staged in the Tbilisi Opera House. The three operas were major successes that are still staged not only in Tbilisi but also abroad. The cause of the success is the national character of these performances blended with western style. In his article of 919 in the magazine ‘Theater and Music,’ Z. Paliashvili wrote, “I’ve been trying to maintain links between Georgia and Europe.” The position was observed not only in music of that period but also in all sorts of art.

The Georgian theater of that period was not nearly as successful as opera. Two groups of actors were opposing each other at that time – the Actors’ Union and the Studio of Giorgi Jabadari (who had arrived from Paris in 918). The members of Actors’ Union were – Mako Saparova, Vaso Abashidze, Nino Chkheidze, Lado Meskhishvili, Sh. Dadiani, V. Shalikashvili and others; the members of Jabadari studio were – Veriko Anjaparidze, Mikhail Gelovani, Akaki Vasadze, Shalva Ghambashidze, Ushangi Chkheidze, Mikhail Chiaureli et al., directors – Z. Berishvili, A. Paghava, K. Shatirishvili. The government granted the Studio of Giorgi Jabadari the right to open a new theatrical season; the decision caused resentment of other actors. Neither of the groups achieved any important success. The studio staged plays by Rostman, Hauptman and S. Chanturishvili. Jabadari published a book ‘Good Articulation for Actors and Public Speakers.’ The Studio of Giorgi Jabadari encountered manifold problems and was finally closed down; Jabadari emigrated to France.
The period of the Democratic Republic of Georgia coincided with the advent of the Georgian cinematography. The first Georgian movie, ‘Journey of Akaki Tsereteli in Racha,’ shot in 1912, was a documentary, but the first Georgian feature film, ‘Christine,’ director Germane Gogitidze, was shot in 1918.

Some believe that the director of the film was A. Tsutsunava, the camera operator Al. Dighmelov, and the painter Dimitri Shevardnadze, who was a pioneer of art in the Georgian cinematography. Before that, the Georgian Cinematographic Society, a privately owned business with common stock of 0 million rubles, was established in Tbilisi. The aim of the society was to prepare the cast of professional movie actors for Georgian cinema. As a token of its support, the Georgian government granted the Society 0 million rubles and proposed that cinematography should be expanded to such an extent to shoot 55 movies a year. In 919, the government apportioned 13million rubles for further expansion of the Georgian cinematography.

No feature film shot between 1918 and 1920 has come down to us; however, a few documentaries are extant – the celebration of the public guards held on December 12, 918, the opening ceremony of the Constituent Assembly, the signing of the Batumi Peace Treaty, the national holiday held on May 26, 1919, to celebrate the first anniversary of sovereignty of Georgia, and the arrival of European Socialist delegation in 1920 (consisting of four parts). The merit of G. Gogitidze is significant in making the above films. Another important documentary, the funeral of Catholicos Kirion II (assassinated in June 1918) shot by S. Eradze, the head of Historical Archive, has been lost. There were a few movie theaters in Tbilisi: the ‘Apolo,’ the ‘Amirani,’ the Soiuz,’ the ‘Minion,’ the ‘Coliseum’ and others; Kutaisi had a movie theater, the ‘Radium’; movie theaters were in other towns and cities of Georgia too.

5. Foreign Relations of Georgia and its Annexation by the Soviet Russia

In late 918, Germany withdrew from Georgia; it was replaced by the English troops that occupied the entire Batumi region. In summer 920, the English army withdrew from Georgia ceding Batumi to Georgia.

In January 919, the volunteers under General Denikin invaded Georgia from the north-west and captured the Abkhazian territory to the river Bzipi.
The government of Soviet Russia did not hold with the independence of Georgia, nor did it recognize the country’s independence or its government.
Trying to maintain friendly relations with Russia, the western world abstained from de jure acknowledgment of Georgia’s independence. The Treaty Conference in Paris in 919 forbore to make any decisions concerning Georgia.
Argentina was the only country to acknowledge Georgia’s independence on November 13, 919.

However, the situation changed for the better after the Soviet Russia recognized de jure independence of Georgia on May 7, 920, after signing an agreement with Georgia.

On the verge of 1920, the Red Army defeated Denikin’s troops and encroached upon Georgian borders.

At the end of April 920, the Soviet power was established in Azerbaijan. The headquarters of the XI Army considered the issue of entering Georgia.

At that point, hoping to escape the invasion of the Red Army, the Democratic Republic of Georgia started negotiating a peace treaty with the Soviet Russia.

On May 7, 1920, the treaty between Russia and Georgia was signed by Karakhan (deputy to Chicherin, the Public Commissar of External Affairs) and G. Uratadze.

According to the second paragraph of the treaty, Russia was not to intervene in the internal affairs of Georgia. Both parties were committed not to allow any third party (either organizations or armed forces) hostile to the second party carry out its activities on their territories.

The secret amendment to the treaty permitted organizations of the Communist Party to operate on the territory of Georgia legally.

In the fall of 920, the chiefs of the Second International visited Georgia to scrutinize the activities of the first independent democratic government of Georgia. Later, Germany, French, Belgium, Italy, Japan, Poland, Austria, Romania, Luxembourg and Mexico recognized Georgia.

Yet, European countries considered Russia would never put up with the independence of Georgia and believed assisting and supporting Georgia was unpromising, which was why Georgia was denied access to the League of Nations.

The first diplomatic mission of Soviet Russia, headed by S. Kirov was to undermine the government of Georgia. The leading role was to be played by a Georgian company, which was legalized on May 7, 1920; however, Communist propaganda failed to boost the Bolshevik influence on Georgian people.

In 1921, the matters were favorable for Soviet Russia – Wrangle’s army had been defeated and the war with Poland was over. Russia worked out a plan for establishing Soviet power in Georgia.

The pretext for invading Georgia was the unrest in the Lore neutral region. On November 13, 920, the Georgian and the Armenian governments agreed that the Lore neutral territory would be occupied by the Georgian army for a period of three months. In late November, the Communists came to power in Armenia. The government of Soviet Armenia demanded the Georgian Army withdraw from the neutral territory. The Caucasian bureau of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) had L. Laziani to instigate rebellion in the neutral region. The “rebellion” broke out in Borchalo region on February 11; on February 4, V. Lenin informed the Military Council of the XI Revolutionary Red Army about the readiness of the Central Committee to allow the XI Army to help the rebels and seize Tbilisi, provided the success was guaranteed. On February 5, Stalin applied to Orjonikidze to mount an attack on Tbilisi and occupy the capital city forthwith.

On February 16, Georgian Revolutionary Committee was set up in Shulaveri; the Committee turned to the Soviet Russia for aid. By that time, the Red Army had already intruded into Georgia.

The Red Army was assisted by Georgian standing army and the Guards. Fierce battles took place at Soghanlughi, Kojori, Tabakhmela, Kakhet-Zakatala, etc.
On February 25, 1921, the Red Army took Tbilisi. The battles lasted until mid-March. The democratic government of Georgia immigrated to France and settled there.

6. Restoration and Reinforcement of Independence of Georgian Church

In the aftermath of the revolution in February-March and after the downfall of Tsarism in Russia, favorable conditions were created in Georgia for the restoration of the Georgian Church. On March 12, (March 25, Old Calendar, Annunciation) in 1917, the Georgian clergy, gathered in Svetitskhoveli Cathedral at the first Conference of the Clergy of the new Georgia and made a decision saying that “from March the autocephaly, or independent status, of the Georgian Orthodox Church was renewed.” Thus, the independent status of the Georgian Church, abolished by Russia more than 100 years before, resumed. The autocephaly of the Georgian Church was restored a year before independence of Georgia was proclaimed. It was a logical consequence of the endeavors and exertions of the Georgian clergy and the progressive Georgian society. On the day of the announcement of the restoration of the autocephaly, the head of the Georgian Church, before electing the Catholicos, was installed Leonide (Okropiridze), Bishop of Guria-Odishi. Catholicos Leonide had been a selfless fighter, together with Bishop Kirion (Sadzaglishvili), Archimandrit Ambrosi (Khelaia), Archpriest Kalistrate (Tsintsadze) and other representatives of Georgian Church. According to the decree adopted by the same Council, the Georgian Church was to be ruled by the Executive Committee with both secular and religious men on board.

Since 1917 (for almost 100 years), the Georgian church has had many obstacles to overcome and has seen many successes and failures.

From 917, the Georgians went ahead with the reorganization of the old national church. Bishop Kirion, an outstanding scholar and scientist devoted to the independence of the Georgian church, was elected Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia, taking the title of Kirion II; new statutes were established, and the number of the eparchies was identified. The whole nation rejoiced at Kirion’s arrival from Russia.

On September 17, 1917, elections for the office of the Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia were held. Out of the two candidates – Metropolitan Leonid and Bishop Kirion, the latter (Kirion II) was elected the Catholicos and was solemnly consecrated in Mtskheta Svetitskhoveli Cathedral. On May 27, 1918, a day after the proclamation of the independence of Georgia, Kirion II addressed the nation on modern Square of Freedom (Tavisuplebis Moedani) in Tbilisi. Unfortunately, the government of the Democratic Republic of Georgia did not pay due attention to the Georgian Orthodox Church; it restricted its rights and obligations by a few decrees and gave equal rights as all the other religious groups enjoyed in Georgia. Kirion II was assassinated in Martqopi Monastery under mysterious circumstances on June 7, 1918.

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Bishop Kirion; later Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia (1917-1918).

The following issues were considered at the second Religious Council held in Tbilisi in 1920 – separation of the Church from the state, giving the power over theological seminaries to the Ministry of Education, and unification of Mtskheta-Tianeti eparchies and the Church budget. The Council elected Metropolitan Leonide the Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia.

After the October Revolution of 1917 in Russia, the institute of Patriarchy was restored. The Patriarchy of all Russia, Tikhon, pursued the autocratic policy of the Russian Synod. In his letter addressed to the Georgian Church on December 20, 917, he censured the Georgian Church for the restoration of the autocephaly. He demanded the ruling officials of the Georgian Church attend the Religious Conference of Russia and “do penance for their sin.” In his letter of August 5, 1919, Leonide substantiated the ineptitude of his illegitimate demands. On February 0, five days before the Red Army entered Tbilisi, Catholicos Leonide in his speech addressed to the people gathered in the yard of the Temple of Military Glory (on the spot of modern day Parliament) urged them to support the government and authorities. The day of the seizure of Tbilisi on February 5, 1921, was a tragic day for the Catholicos. Before long, he contracted plague and passed away.

On September 1-5, 1921, the third Religious Council held at Gelati Monastery elected the Metropolitan of Tskhum-Abkhazia Ambrosi (Khelaia) Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia. Georgia was in a terrible plight. From 921on, churches and monasteries were closed down one after another; the treasures – icons, crosses and other sacred religious items - were taken from the churches and sold. The Bolshevik government went so far that they burned the theological books necessary for conducting service. Decisive measures needed to be taken. Catholicos Ambrosi exerted to prevent the vandalism. In his memorandum of 1922, addressed to Genoa International Conference, he exposed the antireligious, anti-human character of the Bolshevik government and the anti-national character of their activities. He demanded the conference denounce the policy and the Russian occupational army be withdrawn. The Patriarch was arrested and defamed in the press; the clergy was even more severely oppressed and raided. The court sentenced Catholicos Ambrosi to seven-year imprisonment. He was released from prison, after the amnesty of 924; however, the catholicos was so much incapacitated and feeble that once when reciting the liturgy in Sioni Cathedral he fainted and fell down. He suffered a fatal heart attack and died before long on March 7, 927. In 996, the Georgian Church canonized Catholicos Ambrosi, and his devoted brothers - Metropolitan Nazari (Lezhava), priest Svimeon Mchedlidze, Deacon Besarion Kukhianidze – who had overcome hardship and misfortune (repression and arrest in 1924) together with him.

In 1925, Catholicos-Patriarch Ambrosi gave the benediction over Metropolitan of Ninotsminda Kalistrate (Tsintsadze) to become his co-regnant. Naturally, Kalistrate was to succeed Catholicos Ambrosi; however, because of the certain pressure, Kalistrate resigned and the Bishop of Tskhum-Abkhazia Kristepore III (Tsitskishvili) was elected Catholicos of all Georgia. The oppression of the Georgian church by the Bolsheviks increased further. In 1929, the “Union of Georgian Atheists” was founded, which so significantly undermined the Georgian Church that it drew it near extinction. Striving to rescue the Georgian Church, Kristepore III decided to compromise and adopted friendly relations with the authorities. This decision of Kristepore was shocking for many in Georgia and outside it, but one thing is certain that this step of his saved the Georgian Church from extinction. There were eight operating eparchies – of Alaverdi, of Bodbe, of Ninotsminda, Kutais-Gaenati, Tskhum-Abkhazia, of Tsilkani, Chqondidi and of Mtskheta-Bolnisi. In 1932, Catholicos-Patriarch Kristepore III died.

In 1932, the VI Religious Council elected Metropolitan Kalistrate (Tsintsadze) Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia. The Georgian Church saw many needed and welcome changes during the 20 years of His Holiness Kalistrate’s benevolent rule. He reorganized the way the church was organized and managed. In 934 and 1937 at the VII and VIII Religious Councils, he replaced the Religious Council with the Synod, the members of which were only the clergy. The co-Synod fully subjugated to the Catholicos-Patriarch. The management of this type was caused by the strained relations between the Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia and some of the clergy. On October 5, 943, the archbishop of Piatigorsk Anton, a representative of the Patriarch of Russia Sergi, arrived in Georgia at the formal invitation of His Holiness Kalistrate. After negotiations Russia acknowledged autonomy of the Georgian Church and informed the leaders of other Orthodox churches about its independence thereby enabling the Georgian church to communicate freely with other Orthodox churches. This would eventually lead to acknowledgment of the autocephaly of the Georgian Church by other churches as well. In 1852, Catholicos Kalistrate passed away.

In 1952, the IX Religious Conference elected Metropolitan of Urbnisi Melkisedek III (Pkhaladze) Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia. At that time, the Synod consisted of no more than five members. The Georgian Church was experiencing one of the worst crises ever, one of the reasons of which was the advanced age of the clergy. The church was in desperate need for younger people. The activities of certain

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Bishop Alexander and Bishop Leonide (later Catholicos-Patriarch 1918-1921)

denominations became particularly active, especially those of the Jehovah’s Witnesses and the Armenian-monotheistic Church. In 1960, before his death, Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia Melkisedek III sent for the Metropolitan of Kutaisi Naumi (Shavianidze) and asked him to succeed him in his office. However, Metropolitan Naumi declined the offer saying that Metropolitan Ephrem deserved the office more than he did. The Catholicos-Patriarch named his co-regnant Metropolitan of Alaverdi David. However, the latter also renounced in favor of Ephrem.

In 1960, at the X Religious Conference held in Tbilisi Ephrem II (Sidamonidze), the Metropolitan of Batumi and Shemokmedi, was elected the Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia. He carried out some essential changes in the Georgian Church. On October 4, 1963, they opened two-year training courses for priests; the first rector of which was appointed Ilia Shiolashvili-Ghudushauri, who earlier in the year (August 26) had been consecrated the Bishop of Batumi-Shemokmedi. A few years later, the courses were transformed into a theological seminary (the duration of studies three years) that prepared clergy for practical activities. The seminary was founded in Mtskheta at Samtavro Monastery. In 963, the Patriarchate published the “Gospel”; besides the “Gospel,” they published a religious calendar every year. In 1972, Catholicos-Patriarch Ephrem II passed away.
In 1972, at the XI Religious Council, Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia was elected Metropolitan of Alaverdi David V (Devdariani). The period when he ruled the Georgian Church coincided with one of the most atrocious periods in its history. Out of the formally existing 5 eparchies, only four were factual (of Bodbe, Manglisi, Tetritskaro, Tskhum-Abkhazia), whose bishops served in Tbilisi monasteries. The Metekhi Monastery of Our Lady was converted into the Youth Theater, and at the Monastery of St. Nicholas (in Ortachala), folklore festivals were held. Anchiskhati temple was a studio of a sculptor. In 1977, Catholicos David passed away.

In 1977, a new Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia Ilia II (Shiolashvili) was elected at the XII Religious Council. On December 25, he was enthroned and consecrated at Svetitskhoveli Cathedral. The ceremony was attended by many representatives of other churches, including the Patriarch of Russia, Pimen. With the election of Ilia II, a new era started in the history of the Georgian Church. The number of bishops increased to 33; each eparchy was headed by a Bishop, Archbishop and Metropolitan. Many of the churches that were previously closed

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Catholicos-Patriarch Ambrosi (Khelaia); the photo is taken during his being archimandrite.

down re-opened again; many other churches were built, and some are still being built. The youth poured into the Church. On October 1, 988, the Theological Academy was opened in Tbilisi; the Theological Seminary was shifted from Mtskheta to Tbilisi. The two institutions educate and bring up highly-qualified personnel for the church. The first rector of the Academy was Zosime (Shioshvili), Bishop of Tsilkani, who was succeeded by Propopresviter Giorgi Gamrekeli, succeeded by Archbishop Abraham (Garmelia), succeeded by Ilia II, and succeeded by Theodore (Chuadze) the Arcbishop of Akhaltsike, Tao-Klarjeti and Lazeti. The current rector is Catholicos-Patriarch of all Georgia, Ilia II.

The exertions of His Holiness Catholicos-Patriarch Ilia II boosted international authority and strengthened the links of the Georgian church. World Patriarchs – Demetrius I and Bartholomew, Diodoros, the Patriarch of Alexandria and of all Africa, Pimen of Russia, and many others have visited Georgia. On January 25, 1990, the World Patriarchy conferred the “Certificate of Recognition and Confirmation of the Autocephaly of Holy Orthodox Church of Georgia”. In 989, a new edition of the Bible was published; a religious calendar is published every year. Since 1978, Magazine “Cross of Vine,” “Theological Works,” and a newspaper “The Grace” have been published along with other eparchial newspapers.

New churches have been built throughout Georgia; the most important of which is the grand Patriarchal Holy Trinity Monastery built on Mount Elia in Tbilisi. Its construction was completed in 2004 to commemorate the 000th anniversary of Christianity.

7. Forced Conversion of Georgia into a Soviet State

The aim of Bolshevik government of Soviet Russia was to build a classless society, an act which could not be achieved through peaceful reforms. Therefore, the Bolsheviks embarked on building a new society through brutal repressions and liquidation of their opponents and elimination of obstructing conditions of any kind.

In the first place, they energetically started destroying the state, democratic and national institutions. De facto Georgia was an independent, socialist, sovereign state. Initially, the country was ruled by the marionette revolutionary committee, under Philipe Makharadze, carrying out their directives in Georgia. The committee was supervised and monitored by the Georgian Communist Party of Bolsheviks, which in its turn was accountable to the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

The occupational regime was established in Georgia. The military force of the Soviet authorities was the XI Red Army of the Soviet Russia, known as the “Caucasian Emergency Army.” The Russian-Georgian Boslhevik government depended on the Red Army, which would annihilate any opposing, national movement.

In March 1921, a decree adopted by the Revolutionary Committee declared the Constituent Assembly of the Democratic Republic of Georgia invalid. The first decree was followed by a number of decrees and statutes that abrogated all the national and democratic bodies of the former Democratic Republic, and replaced them with the Soviet legislative, executive, judicial and other bodies. The Constitution of March, 1922, declared Georgia the Soviet, Socialist Republic. The legislative branch was the Central Executive Committee (CEC), elected by and answerable to the Soviets of Georgia. The government – the Council of Public Commissars - was the executive power.
After establishing puppet Republics on the territory of the former Monarchist Russia, the Russian Bolshevik government energetically implemented the idea of the united and inseparable state. Formally, they declared their actions were prompted by the will of the large masses of people - workers and peasants (“the labor”). Finally, on December 30, 1922, a vast state – the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics – appeared on the world map. Formally, the newly emerged country was a federation consisting of one metropolitan (central) and three conquered nations – of Russia, Ukraine, Byelorussia and the Caucasian Republics. Georgia was forced to become a member of the Federation of the Transcaucasian Soviet Socialist Republics and was deprived of the status of an independent Republic.
The Bolshevik government set up three autonomous units within Georgia – the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Ajara (July 16, 1921); Autonomous District of Ossetia (April 20, 1922); and Abkhazia, which initially was a part of Georgia as a Soviet Socialist Republic (March 4, 1921), but later, in 1923, it became autonomous Republic.

Alongside the process of shaping the Soviet Empire, another process – extreme centralization of the Bolshevik government – was taking place. In 923, the social-democratic, social-federalist and national-democratic parties were outlawed. In Georgia, like anywhere else in the USSR, the multi-party system was replaced by the autocracy of the Bolshevik party.
The Georgian society, having national and democratic status, found itself in a desperate situation. The Bolsheviks proclaimed very important segments of the society – the former nobility, the clergy, the intelligentsia, the bourgeoisie and the political elite - to be the people’s enemies. Georgian Bolsheviks were committed to the instruction of Comrade Stalin given to them during his visit to Tbilisi in 921. Stalin said that Georgia should be ironed with the iron of the October Revolution. Brutal repressions were carried out not only against the so-called “exploiters” but also against laborers, who were supporting the first Georgian Republic and the Social-Democratic Party.

The Georgian people did not easily put up with the loss of independence or with the repressions. Different segments of the society, driven beyond endurance by the violence and brutal repressions, became involved in the movement against the Bolshevik Government. In 1921, the people of Svaneti and Racha-Lechkhumi rose up in protest demanding the occupational army be withdrawn from Georgia and elections be held. The Catholicos-Patriarch of Georgia, Ambrosi Khelaia, addressed the Genoa Conference with the same request. Uprising broke out in Tbilisi with the labor, intelligentsia and the youth taking part.

From early spring of 1922, Kakutsa Cholokashvili and his group of “Adopted Brothers” embarked on guerrilla warfare. Other guerrillas were operating in Eastern Georgia; in summer, the uprising spread to Khevsureti and Kakheti. However, the revolts were severely quelled everywhere.

In April 1922, the political parties united and set up the “Committee of Independence of Georgia” that was to organize a nationwide revolt. The conspiracy lasted two years claiming the lives of many Georgian patriots. In May 923, the Soviet CHEKA arrested and executed members of the “Military Center” – Constantine Abkhazi, Alexander Andronikashvili, Varden Tsulukidze and others. They postponed the uprising a few times but it ultimately broke out on August 29, 1924.

Despite sporadic success in a few regions, the uprising proved to have been a failure. The forces were very much unequal indeed. 54,000 soldiers were ready for the revolt; soldiers of almost the same number were to arrive from Armenia and Azerbaijan. Yet, the Bolsheviks quelled the uprising and punished the fighters for independence through brutal repressions and executions. Many were arrested and exiled. Georgia was confined in the new prison of peoples.

Georgia was forced to participate in building a Bolshevik model of socialism, which involved the elimination of private property and the establishment of an economic system based on bourgeois relations. The Bolsheviks’ social ideal was building a society with equal social rights.
In the very first years of the occupation, the Bolsheviks started the nationalization of the country’s most important enterprises. From 921, all mining and processing industries, power stations, and printing presses together with all the other related minor and bigger enterprises were declared national property. Later, all the industries were nationalized.
Formally, the Soviet government declared the land the property of the working people; however, the decree of 1921, passed all the nationalized land into the state fund that was later to be allocated to the peasants. After failing to carry out the land reforms, the authorities decided to solve the problem in a new way.

The authorities decided to make the peasantry and other social strata socially and economically equal. They united private peasant economies into the collective economy; peasants were given only small holdings in private property while the private ownership of land was replaced by joint/collective ownership. De jure, the land and all the crops harvested were managed by the collective farm, while de facto, they were brought under direct state management.

On the verge of the 930s, the so-called full-scale collectivization was forcefully carried out. Ultimately, a new stratum of the peasants who were socially and economically equal – collective farm workers – was created and constituted the majority of the rural population.

In the 30s, the oppression of the masses by the state and the collective enthusiasm of the labor led to certain success in many branches of economy. A number of large enterprises were revived – Zestaponi manganese factory, Chiatura and Tkibuli witnessed a boom in the mining industry; Zahesi and Rionhesi started operating.

The so-called socialist system was an outcome of the permanent repressions carried out by the Soviet government. In the 1920-0s, Joseph Stalin, the winner of the many inter-faction battles, and his companions wrested control of the government. After many bloody, political repressions that annihilated all his enemies and rivals, a new party, which was actually a personal autocracy, was established. Thousands of outstanding people were slaughtered from the former ruling elite, intelligentsia, culture and sciences as well as some of the Bolsheviks. The system of the so-called “Real Socialism” in the USSR (through brutal repressions) claimed the lives of many millions of people; Georgia was no exception either.

8. Georgia during World War II

On September, 1939, Fascist Germany levied war on Poland and occupied it before long. On September , England and France declared war on Germany. It was the beginning of the hostilities in which dozens of nations and peoples gradually got involved. On June 22, 941, Germany embarked on war against the Soviet Union and seized most of its European part – the Ukraine, Byelorussia and European regions of Russia. The conquered Republics fought desperately against the Nazis, for their struggle against Germany was a patriotic war enduring for a few years.

As a part of the Soviet Union, Georgia was involved in the war against Germany and its Allies. In the very first days of the war, 100,000 men from Georgia were conscripted into the army. By the spring 1942, 50,000 men from Georgia were fighting on the front; however, by the end of the year the number increased by 60,000.

The fact that the battles were fought far away from Georgia (not on its territory) was no relief for the country. All the factories and plants were militarized producing military equipment, while most of the agricultural product was sent to the front. The people were destitute; a heavy burden was placed on populace, who were giving shelter and taking care of the refugees.
Thousands of soldiers and officers were selflessly fighting on almost every front. From 942, national divisions were formed in order to inspire soldiers and boost their morale. The Georgian divisions particularly distinguished themselves in the northern Caucasus and on the Crimean Peninsula. Most of the soldiers of the 92nd Georgian division died, deaths of heroes, in May 1942 in the fierce battles for Kerchi Peninsula. Even fiercer were the battles that started in July 1942, to defend the Caucasian paths. The 392nd , 414th and 42nd Georgian divisions played an integral role in the repulsion of the fascist army from the Caucasus. One of the leaders fighting on the territory was Georgian General Constantine Leselidze.

Georgians were fighting almost everywhere on the vast front stretching from the Baltic Sea to the Caucasus. Georgians were fighting in defense of Moscow, trying to break through a three-year blockade of Leningrad, and fighting in fierce battles for Stalingrad, (Eastern Front) which proved to have been crucial for the fascists. After losing battles for Stalingrad, the Nazis started retreating and ceding the previously occupied territories. In 944-945, the Georgian soldiers were actively involved in the military operations for liberating eastern European countries – Poland, the Baltic Republics, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria. Thousands of Georgians were among the guerrillas fighting courageously in the above regions: David Bakradze – in the Ukraine, Ivane Shubitidze and Vladimir Talakvadze in Byelorussia, Vladimir Dzneladze for Poland – to name a few. Vladimir Nanishvili, Porpire Chanchibadze, Ermaloz Koberidze and others were Georgian generals in charge of big military detachments.

Otar Ishkhneli, Dimitri Amilakhvari, Ivane Dangashvili in France, Pore Mosulishvili, and Noe Kublashvili in Italy are those Georgians whose names are still remembered in Europe. An Italian newspaper the “Stela Alpina” wrote about the death of an “anonymous Georgian from Stalin’s country who had sacrificed himself to the freedom of Italy.”

Unfortunately, a few Georgians were fighting on the enemy’s side as well. As it is common knowledge, in 921, after the fall of the democratic government of an independent Georgia, many Georgian patriots were compelled to flee the country and emigrate abroad. A majority of the Georgian patriots roundly denounced the Fascists, while others thought the Soviet Army would be withdrawn from Georgia and the country would restore its independence provided the pro-German block won.

The Germans sought to take advantage of the anti-Soviet disposition of the Georgians and exploit their military resources. In 1941, the German High Command set up military detachments of Georgian captives – “Tamar I” and “Tamar II”; later a new detachment “Bergman” (Mountaineer), with not only Georgian but also other Caucasian peoples, was formed. In 942, the “Georgian Battalion” was formed in occupied Poland. Seven Georgian battalions were set up altogether; however, their role in German military operations was insignificant. Despite the great desire of the Georgians to liberate their motherland from the Soviets, the Georgians were not motivated or enthusiastic enough to support the Nazis. They simply had no way out. Fascist Germany had almost lost the war when the Georgian battalion on a Dutch island of Texcel rose against the Nazis. Unfortunately, the English who were located near them did not come to the aid of the rebels.

The consequences of the war were grave for Georgia. Half of the 700,000 conscripts had died; others were disabled or crippled. The country’s economy was in the doldrums as it had been militarized; other branches of the economy also suffered greatly. The living conditions were horrible. Overall, Georgia had suffered greater losses than many other countries engaged in the war.

9. Disintegration of the Soviet Union and Restoration of Independence of Georgia (1991)

In the aftermath of the World War II, a few major trends were observed through the Soviet Union and consequently in Georgia. Joseph Stalin, the sole leader of the country, passed away on March 5, 1953 and was succeeded by Nikita Khrushchev. The latter became the sole leader of the country in 958 after combining the posts of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Chair of the Council of Ministers. Khrushchev declared rehabilitation of the unlawful subjects to Stalin’s repressions. He denounced the cult of Stalin, which seemingly meant rejection of autocratic methods and a turn toward democracy.

The deteriorated economy was restored. The first five-year plan after the war included - construction of Rustavi Metallurgical Factory, Kutaisi car-assembly plant, textile center in Gori, Central plant of manganese in Chiatura, new mines in Tkibuli and Tkvarcheli, car-assembly plant in Tbilisi, power-stations in Khrami, Upper Avchala, Sokhumi and Chitakhevi, and an irrigation canal at Samgori, etc. In 1956-1965, more than 70 enterprises, including the Tbilisi car-assembly plant and the Rustavi nitrogen fertilizer plant, were built in Georgia. Most of the output of Georgian heavy industry was exported abroad.

Relatively slow was the pace of development of a number of agricultural branches. However, the situation of the Soviet economy in the 960-70s was steady; the social equilibrium among different classes of people was secured and maintained. Naturally, there were certain social problems and economic difficulties in the country, but they were not serious enough to cause any social protests by the population. The people, satisfied with the working and living conditions, were loyal to the government. On the other hand, conformism was a result of the strength and power of the Soviet Law Enforcement bodies.

The situation in the national-political life of Georgia was very different from the social. Despite all the brutal repressions the nation had undergone, a significant majority of the Georgian students and the youth were loyal to national values. The events of March 1956 serve as the proof of political protest of the Georgian youth. After condemning the cult of personality, the Soviet party ideologists started insulting Stalin’s motherland and the Georgian people. The Georgians, especially intelligentsia and students, rose in protest and held meetings and demonstrations in Tbilisi and other Georgian towns on the third anniversary of Stalin’s death.

On March 9, 1965, the Soviet government had a detachment of the Red Army quell the protest; 150 people were killed.

The events of March 1956 were a wake-up call for the Georgians. A new generation of nationalist Georgian writers, artists, scientists and cultural workers opposing the Soviet values came on the scene. Patriotism was particularly strong among the youth who were was strongly influenced by the western values and their democratic institutions, pop culture, ideas, youth movements and the velvet revolution in Czechoslovakia. The Georgian people were under a strong influence of the Nonconformist movement (Dissenter) started in 1976. “The Initiative Group of Human Rights” was set up in Georgia, which in turn founded the “Helsinki Group.” The Nonconformists, whose ultimate goal was restoration of Georgian nation, were headed by Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Merab Kostava.

The events of April 1978 were proof of the strength of the national sense among the Georgian intelligentsia and the students’ community. In the 970s, the trend in the Soviet government’s ideology was one of international and cosmopolitan character, with the thesis that a new historic entity – the Soviet people – was born in the multinational state. The thesis advocated the mingling of different nations into one under the leadership of the dominant Russian people.

One of the manifestations of the above thesis was the draft Constitution of Georgia of 978, which excluded the paragraph stipulating that the national language of the Republic of Georgia was Georgian. Most of the student community and intelligentsia, appalled at the flagrant violation of the nation’s rights, rose in protest against the draft. On April 4, many thousands gathered in front of the Building of the Government, where the session of the Supreme Council was held. The Soviet Government, intimidated by the strong protest, compromised. The status of the Georgian language was restored in the new Constitution, which in its turn was a great victory of the national movement.

In the 1980s, the crisis of real socialism exacerbated further. The USSR and its satellite countries, who had opposed the entire world and developed world were unable to compete economically and politically with the West and eventually succumbed. In the 1980s, the national movement first emerged in Poland and spread to the eastern European countries. The goal of the movement was liberation from the Soviet Empire. The Anti-Soviet movement headed by the Baltic Republics and Georgia started in the Soviet Republics.
In the 980s, a number of informal groups that later turned into political parties were set up in Georgia. In 1987, the Ilia Chavchavadze Society, followed by the Party of National Independence, the Republican Party, the Party of National-Democracy and other political parties were founded. The parties sought to lead the political processes inside the country. Majority of the parties was for restoration of national independence and were involved in the protest and demonstrations initiated in 988.

The anti-Soviet nationalist movement became more active in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1988. Several strikes and meetings were organized by anti-Soviet political organizations in Tbilisi.

The protests reached their peak on April 4, 1989, when tens of thousands of Georgians gathered before the House of Government on Rustaveli Avenue in Tbilisi. The protesters, led by the Independence Committee, organized a peaceful demonstration and hunger strikes. Local communist authorities lost control over the situation in the capital and were unable to contain the protests.

On the evening of April 8, 1989, Colonel General Igor Rodionov, Commander of the Transcaucasian Military District, ordered the troops to mobilize. Local militia (police) units were disarmed just before the operation. On April 9, at 3:45 a.m, Soviet tanks and troops surrounded the demonstration area. The demonstrators met them dancing and singing national songs. The soldiers began attacking the demonstrators; reportedly, toxic gas was used. Nineteen people, mostly girls and elderly women (6), were killed, and over 1,000 were injured. Disarmed police officers tried to evacuate panicked people.
On April 0, in protest against the crackdown, Tbilisi and the rest of Georgia went out on strike, and a 40-day period of mourning was declared. People brought massive collections of flowers to the place of the killings. A state of emergency (curfew) was declared, but demonstrations continued.

The April 9 tragedy radicalized the Georgian opposition to Soviet power. A few months later, a session of the Supreme Council of the Georgian SSR, held on November 17-November 18, 1989, officially condemned the occupation and annexation of Democratic Republic of Georgia by Soviet Russia in 1921.
On April 9, 1991, on the second anniversary of the tragedy, the Supreme Council of the Republic of Georgia proclaimed Georgian sovereignty and independence from the Soviet Union according to the March 31, 991, referendum results.

On March 13-5, 1990, the Emergency Conference of the National movement put forward different theories for bringing the national-political parties together. Unfortunately, the unity was not destined to last long. Before long, the national forum fell into two opposing parts with the same goal – restoration of the national independence. The young leaders struggling for national-independence

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President of Georgia, Zviad Gamsakhurdia (1939-1993)

were extreme in their opposition to the Soviet system. The radicals of the older generation, adhering to Zviad Gamsakhurdia were more realistic and cautious. They advocated the right of the Republic under the Constitution to secede from the Soviet Union, for they believed the Soviet government would have less legal right to oppose them.

The progress of democratic reforms was accelerated and led to Georgia’s first democratic multiparty elections held on October 8, 1990.

Gamsakhurdia’s party and the Georgian Helsinki Union joined with other opposition groups to head a reformist coalition called “Round Table — Free Georgia” (“Mrgvali Magida — Tavisupali Sakartvelo”). The coalition won a convincing victory. On November 4, 990, Zviad Gamsakhurdia was elected by an overwhelming majority as Chairman of the Supreme Council of the Republic of Georgia.

Georgia held a referendum on restoring its pre-Soviet independence on March 31, 1991 in which 97% of those who voted were in favor of the resolution. The Georgian parliament passed a declaration of independence on April 9, 991, in effect restoring the 918-21Georgian state. However, it was not recognized by the Soviet Union, and although a number of foreign powers granted early recognition, universal recognition did not come until the following year. Gamsakhurdia was elected President in the election of May 6.

10. Georgia in the Transition Period (1992-2003)

The process of disintegration of the Soviet Union was neither peaceful nor smooth. Forces in Moscow were deliberately exploiting ethnic and religious tensions to undermine the independence of the former Soviet Republics. Being one of the most resistant Republics, Georgia became the target of such conflicts.

On December 21, 1991, the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics was declared disintegrated. 12independent nations that emerged on its ruins entered a new union—the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Georgia was one of those twelve that refused to become member states of CIS. In response, Russia provoked ethnic conflicts throughout Georgia. On August 25, 1990, the Session of the Supreme Soviet of the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia adopted the declaration “On the Sovereignty of Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia.” In December of the same year, Vladislav Ardzimba was elected the Chair of the Supreme Soviet of Abkhazia.

In 989, violent unrest broke out in the autonomous district of South Ossetia between the Georgian population of the region and the Ossetians who demanded that their region be unified with North Ossetia (part of Russia). South Ossetia’s government announced that the region would secede from Georgia and unite with their counterparts in the Russian Federation. In response, the Georgian Supreme Soviet annulled the autonomy of South Ossetia in March 1990. A three-way power struggle between the Georgian, Ossetian and Soviet military forces broke out in the region. In the early 1991, the South Ossetia Autonomous District was restored by a special statute of the President of the Soviet Union.

In the period between November 1990 and 1991, the Soviet authorities were convinced that the national government of Georgia under the leadership of Zviad Gamsakhurdia would never obey Russia. Therefore, Russia resorted to extreme measures and adhered to the opposition forces.

On December 22, 1991, armed opposition supporters (with financial aid of Russia) launched a violent coup d’etat and attacked a number of official buildings, including the Georgian Parliament building, where Gamsakhurdia himself was sheltered. Heavy fighting continued in Tbilisi until January 6, 1992. On January 6, Gamsakhurdia and members of his government escaped through opposition lines and made their way to the breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya. The first legitimate government of Georgia was overthrown. The military council seized power.

It was later claimed (although apparently not confirmed) that Soviet forces had been involved in the coup against Gamsakhurdia.

A military council made up of Gamsakhurdia opponents took over the government on an interim basis. One of its first actions was to formally depose Gamsakhurdia as President. It reconstituted itself as a State Council and appointed the former Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union, Edward Shevardnadze as chair in March 992. (With the view of rescuing the country from the crisis, the military council and a part of the Georgian intelligentsia had brought Shevardnadze from Moscow). Before long, the military council returned power to the national government. After the elections of 1992, majority of seats in the legislative branch was taken by Shevardnadze’s supporters. The change in power was effected as a fait accompli, without any formal referendum or elections. He ruled as de facto president until the formal restoration of the presidency in November 1995.
Despite the new government of Georgia, the national-separatist movement aggravated. The process was further exacerbated by blunders made by the inefficient Georgian political elite. On August 4, 1992, under the pretext of protecting the railroad, the Georgian militia and army entered Abkhazia, which in its turn, escalated the confrontation between the Abkhazian separatists, their supporter Russia, and the Georgian government. Unskilled and untrained Georgian detachments had to fight against large detachments, groups and in many cases gangs, that were heavily armed. The latter were the so-called warriors of the North Caucasian Federation, Cossacks and Chechens backed by the Russian guards deployed on the Abkhazian territory. Native Abkhazian detachments were only a part of the above invading forces.

Actually, Georgia found itself engaged in an uneven military conflict with Russia. Naturally, Georgia lost the war. The losses were heavy. On September 7, 1993, the occupational forces seized Sukhumi, which eventually caused Georgia to lose the whole of Abkhazia. The separatists shifted the border with Georgia to the river Enguri and ousted approximately 300,000 Georgians as well as other nationalities from Abkhazia. The situation was exacerbated by the escalation of the military opposition between the so-called Z. Gamsakhurdia supporters and Shevardnadze adherents. The key role in defeating the supporters of the ex-President was played by the Russian forces invited by the new government of Georgia. On December 31, 1993, the first president of Georgia, refugee Z. Gamsakhurdia, died in circumstances that are still unclear.

From 1995, the situation stabilized in Georgia. On August 4, the Georgian Parliament approved a new Constitution. The borders remained inviolable as they were on December 21, 1991(the date of the disintegration of the Soviet Union). The Constitution restored the office of the Presidency. In November 1995, Edward Shevardnadze was elected the President of the Republic of Georgia, and the majority of seats in the Legislature were taken by the Citizens’ Union of Georgia. The political union included the President’s supporters. The same took place in the elections to Parliament of October 1999 and the Presidential elections of 2000.

The Transition period saw a number of significant changes in the country’s foreign policy; Georgia adopted friendly relations with the Western World. On July 31, 1992, Georgia became a member state of the United Nations. In the same year, the country became a member of North-Atlantic Council. Later, in 994, Georgia entered a NATO program “Partnership for Peace.”

In 1995, the new Georgian currency, the Lari, a symbol of the national independence, came into circulation. The Lari replaced the Coupon, the currency existing until 990; however, it initially failed to eject stronger foreign currencies (including US$). Along with the Lari, coins, called Tetri, also came into circulation; it replaced the Russian ‘kopeck’, which had been in circulation from the 1830s. By introducing ‘Tetri’ the traditional name of Georgian money was reintroduced.

Essential to all the other events of the transition period was Georgia’s becoming a full member state of the European Council. In addition, during the transition period, Georgia became a member of a number of Western and International organizations – World Commercial Organization, Organization on Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), Europe-Caucasus-Asia Traffic Corridor, Silk Road and others. A prerequisite to Georgia’s entering all the above organizations was its late entrance into the Commonwealth of Independent States in December 993.

Vital to the events taking place in the transition period was the European Summit held in Istanbul in November 1999, which ruled that Russian military reserves were to be withdrawn from the territory of Georgia. The first (out of the four) reserve to withdraw was the one deployed in the Ertvaani region. Later, the process, as well as a number of other positive plans and projects, was halted.

Unfortunately, in the so-called transition period the government that came to power after the coup proved to have been unable to make any significant strategic changes in the country’s domestic affairs. No headway was made in economics, agriculture or social life. The country failed to recover the lost territories.

Just the opposite, the economy kept declining; many of the country’s population were practically indigent while only a few families grew rich. The country’s officials were corrupted. The situation was further aggravated by the governmental crisis; the relations between the legislative and executive branches were strained. More importantly, the leading party – The Citizens’ Party of Georgia – broke with the Reformist wing who seceded from it. In October-November of 2001, manifestations were held in Tbilisi demanding that the rights and freedom of the mass media not be violated.

However, the meeting and demonstrations generally expressed dissatisfaction with the government and its policies. Finally, the situation was relieved after the chair of the Georgian Parliament, Mr. Zurab Zhvania, resigned from office. The President dismissed the government, and Nino Burjanadze was elected the Chair of Parliament.

The changes in government did not lead to any improvement of the situation.

11. The Choice Made on November 23 – Rose Revolution

In order to rescue the country from political crisis, Georgia had to decide on its foreign policy. From the 1990s, western capital gradually flew into the southern Caucasus in general and to Georgia in particular. Foreign political interests, especially American, markedly increased. Georgia, strategically situated between the Black and the Caspian Seas, became a focus of interest and conflict between the great powers, Russia and America.
The old government of Georgia sought to offset the situation by maneuvering between America and Russia. It sometimes made steps and decisions in favor of America but other times took measures to please Russia. Such a situation was unfavorable for the country’s social and political progress. The economy was stagnating; corruption was rampant. Unclear foreign orientation was the cause of many other problems. The authorities were stymied. Experts visiting Georgia reminded the Georgian government of the importance of making a choice between the West and the North.

In November 2003, Parliamentary elections were held in Georgia. The votes received from Ajara radically changed the balance of political power in Georgia. After the votes from Ajara were counted, the leading position of the reformatory forces was challenged by the “Democratic Revival Party” of Ajara, which took first place, while the state bloc held the second. The official results, which recorded a victory for Shevardnadze, were widely seen to be fraudulent. There seems little doubt that the regime resorted to vote-rigging and ballot-stuffing, but the public perception of a stolen election was enhanced by exit polls showing a victory for the opposition parties. More importantly, the balance between pro-Russian and pro-European forces was disturbed in favor of the former. The president of the country had made his choice in favor of the North, which meant that the country had to live in corruption and stagnation for years to come. At that point, Georgian people made a decision in favor of democracy and adhered to the reformatory political party with the clear western policy.

The opposition parties launched protests following parliamentary elections. Early on November 22, thousands of soldiers had gathered in the capital’s center, sealing off parliament and barricading the roads to it with buses. Thousands of citizens were streaming to the capital from all over Georgia to protest Shevardnadze’s intransigence and what many believed to be a rigged parliamentary election of November . Shevardnadze attempted to convene a new Parliament. However, thousands of demonstrators were already outside the building and started to gather in an organized fashion. The peaceful resolution of the ensuing standoff derived from two notable decisions. Troops refused to crack down on demonstrators, with hundreds eventually crossing over to join the opposition. Later, a part of the demonstrators together with the opposition broke into the Parliament when Shevardnadze was giving a speech. On November 23, Edward Shevardnadze resigned from office.
November 23, saw a velvet revolution in Georgia, which is known as the Rose Revolution. The new government was headed by a triumvirate - Mikhail Saakashvili, Zurab Zhvania and Nino Burjanadze. Their main goals were securing the sovereignty of the country, restoring the country’s territorial borders, overcoming the social and economic crisis, building a democratic society and developing science and culture.

The oppositional-reformatory forces and the Georgian people supporting them were well aware that firm western foreign policy and integration of Georgia into the Western institutions were essential in achieving their main objective.

During the past two years, the western nations and their leader, the United States of America, have demonstrated their support to the Georgian government on numerous occasions. The Western world welcomed the Rose Revolution as well as restoration of power of the Georgian government in Ajara, which was an event of great significance in the current history of an independent Georgia. Many important steps have been made towards restoration of the Georgian

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President of Georgia, Mikhail Saakashvili.

borders, which is the greatest merit of the country’s new government.

During the two years after the Rose Revolution, Georgia has been working hard to cooperate with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. In June 004, NATO considered an individual program for partnership with Georgia. They first adopted individual military and political parts of the program. In the end, in October 004, NATO adopted the program.

Another event of great significance was a renewal of the process of withdrawing Russian military bases from Georgia. Western support, especially American, forced Russia to start negotiations with Georgia. It has been decided that the Russian bases will have been withdrawn from the territory of Georgia by the end of 008. There have been many other examples indicating the western support. For instance, in October 2005, America made a statement that actually meant America’s willingness to interfere in the conflict in Tskhinvali region. However, Russia did not agree with this statement.
Many other positive changes have been made in the life of Georgia during the past two years. In 006, the budget of the country was a staggering 1,910,170,000 Lari. Important reforms have been carried out in the sphere of education – national exams have been established for enrollment at institutes and universities. In October 2005, a section of the Baku-Tbilisi-Jeihan pipeline was opened, which promises to contribute $50 million into the country’s budget annually. Roads, motorways, and infrastructure are being constructed in Tbilisi as well as throughout Georgia. In 004, many important steps were made in the social and economic spheres. The new tax law, adopted by the Georgian Parliament in 2004, cut down the number of taxes from 22to nine. The legislative branch issued a new law on amnesty, undeclared liabilities and legalization of property. The law deals with conviction and acquittal of those people who have committed criminal acts in entrepreneurial and economic fields; its aim is to create an entrepreneurially friendly environment and encourage the development of small businesses.

However, the two-year period has made it painfully clear that there had been far more difficulties and problems, both in domestic and foreign life of the country, than were anticipated. The situation is very difficult in social sphere – unemployment has risen, the country is experiencing hard times in the economy; the foreign investments are decreasing.

Nevertheless, we should admit that on November 23, 2003, the Georgian people made the right decision: through reforms towards democracy; through democratic methods towards integrating into the western political cultural and economic policy; through integration towards restoration of the country’s sovereignty and its territorial borders as well as to the social and economic welfare. This was the way the Georgian people envisaged the future on which they decided on November .

In January 2004, at Presidential elections, Mikhail Saakashvili was elected President of Georgia.

copyright © Valeri Silogava and Kakha Shengelia, "History of Georgia. From the Ancient Times Through the 'Rose Revolution'"